Tuesday, 7 October 2014

Bhagwan Das: A Legendary Ambedkarite

    

     Bhagwan Das:  : A Legendary Ambedkarite   
    -S.R. Darapuri I.P.S.(Retd)                                   
                                                                                                    
        (23.04.1927 -18.11.2010)
Mr. Bhagwan Das was born in an Untouchable family at Jutogh Cantonment, Simla (Himachal Pradesh), India on 23 April 1927. He served in the Royal Indian Air Force during World War II and after demobilisation served in different capacities in various departments of Government of India at Saharanpur, Simla and Delhi. He did M.A. in History (Punjab University) and LL.B from Delhi University. He did research on the ‘Indianisation of the Audit Department from 1840-1915'. He  contributed articles and short stories to various papers and journals published in India.
His father Mr. Ram Ditta was fond of reading newspapers and a great admirer of Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar. Inspired and encouraged by his father, Mr. Das worked with Mr. T. R. Baidwan of Simla who was the most prominent leader of the Untouchables in Simla Hills, and joined the Scheduled Castes Federation at the tender age of 16. Since then he had been actively associated with the Ambedkarin movement and had done a great deal to promote the ideas of Babasaheb Ambedkar and to unite and uplift the downtrodden not only of India but also of other countries of Asia. Mr. Das was associated with many organisations of lawyers, Buddhists, Scheduled Castes and Minorities in India. He was General Secretary, United Lawyers Association, Supreme Court, New Delhi; General Secretary, Bouddh Upasak Sangh, New Delhi; Founder Chairman, Ambedkar Mission Society which has branches in many parts of the world; Revived Samata Sainik Dal (Vounteers for Equality) founded by Dr. Ambedkar in 1926-27; Regional Secretary (North). Indian Buddhist Council; Founder, Society for the Protection of Non-Smokers; Founder President of Society for Promoting Buddhist Knowledge; edited Samata Sainik Sandesh (English) 1980-1990. He was also the main person behind publication of “Bheem Patrika” an Urdu and the Hindi magazine published from Jullundar (Punjab).
His mother tongue was Urdu. He learnt English from class 7 th . His command over English and his British accent compelled many to label him as a “Black English Man.” He was Adib Fazel in Persian. He could speak and write in Hindi and Punjabi. Just like Dr. Ambedkar he was not allowed to read Hindi and he had to take up Persian at school. His knowledge about Dr. Ambedkar, Buddhism, Hindu Castes, Religion and many more subjects was so vast and thorough that he was often marked as a “Moving Encyclopaedia.” He was very modest and simple which made Bhadant Anand Kaushlayan to remark, “You are so humble.”
He was married to Ramabai (Lucknow) on 9 February, 1957 through the mediation of Shiv Dayal Singh Chaurasia who was a member of the Parliament. He has one son Rahul and two daughters Zoya and Shura. He became a Buddhist in 1956. His devotion to Ambedkarian movement was very high and he was known as a True Ambedkarite.
He remained in close contact with Dr. Ambedkar at Delhi from 1942 till his death. He also adopted Buddhism in 1956 when Dr, Ambedkar launched his Buddhist Conversion Movement on 14 th October, 1956. He has written his autobiography which has been published as “In  Pursuit of Ambedkar” in English and :”Baba ke Charnon me”in Hindi. A documentary film on his life has also been prepared by S. Anand of Navyana.
Mr. Das was associated with the ‘Peace Movement' since the end of World War II, in which he served on the Eastern Front with the Royal Air Force (RAF) under South East Asia Command. He was one of the founder members of the World Conference on Religion and Peace (WCRP) (India) and had participated in the Conferences held in Kyoto, Japan, 1970; Princeton USA (1979); Seoul, Korea (1986); Nairobi. Kenya (1984) and Melbourne Australia (1989). He was appointed Director, Asian Centre for Human Rights (Asian Conference on Religion and Peace) in 1980 and continued to serve in this capacity till 2004 monitoring the news of violation of human rights in Asian countries and organising camps for training of Human Rights workers, speaking and writing for the cause.
Mr. Das was invited to deliver a lecture on ‘Discrimination' by the Peace University, Tokyo (1980) and he also addressed several meetings organised by the Burakuminsof Japan. He gave testimony before the United Nations in regard to the plight o Untouchables in South Asia, in the meeting of Sub-Committee on Human Rights held at Geneva, Switzerland in August, 1983. He visited England in 1975, 1983, 1988, 1990 and 1991 in connection with lectures and seminars. He participated in the seminar held in ‘Hull University' in 1990 as a representative of the Ambedkar Centenary Celebration Committee, UK and also a seminar on Human Rights in India held at London University, School of Asian and Oriental Studies in February 1991.
He was invited to deliver Ambedkar Memorial Lectures in Milind Mahavidyalya, Aurangahad (1970); Marathwada University (1983); Nagpur University, PWS College, Nagpur; Ambedkar College, Chanderpur and Amravati University in 1990.
Mr. Das also visited Nepal (1980 and 1990); Pakistan (1989); Thailand (1988); Singapore (1989) and Canada (1979) to study the problems of deprived and disadvantaged members of society, women and children. He delivered lectures in Wisconsin University (USA) 1979 and North- field College (USA) on Caste in contemporary India. He was invited to give lectures on Dr Ambedkar at the Institute of Oriental Studies, Moscow in June, 1990.
Mr. Das practiced law in the Supreme Court of India. With a view to improve the professional competence of and helping upcoming advocates belonging to Untouchable and indigenous groups he founded Ambedkar Mission Lawyers Association and Legal Aid Society in 1989. He was General Secretary of ‘Professions for People', an organisation founded in Delhi to elevate professional standards.
Mr. Das was invited to preside at the Dalit and Buddhist Writers Conference held at Akola (Maharashtra) in 1989 and was closely associated with various organisations of Dalit Writers.
Mr. Das had written more than five hundred articles, papers for seminars, short stories for various newspapers and journals. His papers on ‘Revival of Buddhism'; ‘Some problems of minorities in India'; ‘Reservation in Public Services' have been published in Social Action brought out by Indian Social Institute, New Delhi and Delhi University Buddhist Department. He had written many papers on Reservation and Representative Bureaucracy, Discrimination against the Dalits in Public Services and Minorities etc. His short stories were published in Sarita (Urdu), Naya zamana (Urdu), Milap (Urdu), Bheem Patrika (Urdu and Hindi). He had edited “Slavery and Untouchability' (an incomplete book written by Baba Saheb Ambedkar). He also edited “Untouchable Soldiers- Mazhbi and Mahar” written as M.A. Thesis by Ardith Basham, an American Scholar. He had also written about Dalit politics under the title “Dalit Rajniti aur Sanghathan.”(Dalit Politics and Organisations).
He was a member for the ‘Committee for evolving new strategies for the development of Scheduled Castes and Tribes - VIII Plan' set up by the Government of India and also a member of Ambedkar Centenary Committee of the Government of India. Mr. Das had written many books in Urdu, English and Hindi on Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar; Untouchables; Scavengers and Sweepers; Human Rightsl;  Discrimination etc. Prominent among them are Thus Spoke Ambedkar (Vol I to IV Ed) a pioneer work; Ambedkar on Gandhi and Gandhism (Ed); Ambedkar Ek Parichey Ek Sandesh (Hindi); Main Bhangi hoon(Hindi), the story of an Indian sweeper told in the first- person (this book has been translated into Punjabi, Kannada; Marathi and German); Valmiki aur Bhangi Jatian (Hindi); Valmiki (Hindi); Dhobi (Hindi), Revival of Buddhism in India and Role of Dr. B.R. Ambedkar; Dr. Ambedkae Ek Parichay Ek Sandesh; Dr. Ambedkar aur Bhangi Jatiya and Bharat me Bauddh Dhamm ka punrjagran tatha samasyayen. He  translated into Urdu former President of the USA Lyndon Johnson's book ‘My Hope for America'; Dr Ambedkar's ‘Ranade, Gandhi and Jinnah'in to Urdu; besides editing Bhadant Anand Kaushalyayan's ‘Gita ki Buddhivadi Samiksha.'
Other books in hand were  “Reservation and Representative Bureaucracy in India”;

“Untouchables in the Indian Army (Mahar, Mazhbi, Chuhra, Pariahs, Mangs, Dhanuks, Dusadhs, Chamars, Kolis, Bheels)”; “Mandal Commission and the Future of Backward Classes”; “Twenty-Two Oaths of Buddhism and Conversion”; “Balmiki; Ravidassis and Balmikis of Northern India”; “Buddhism and Marxism” and “Ambedkar as a Religious Leader.”
Mr. Das had toured almost the whole of India to study the problems of Hindu-Muslim riots, religious conflicts, atrocities committed on the Untouchables and Tribal people, with the group ‘Threat to Diversity', ‘Swaraj Mukti Morcha and as Chairman, Samata Sainik Dal.” He was also the founder President of “Dalit Solidarity People”, an organisation aiming at uniting Hindu Dalits, Dalit Christians, Sikh Dalits, Muslim Dalits and Burakumins of Japan and Korea. Like Marx his slogan was “Dalits of the World Unite.”
Mr Bhagwan Das was a storehouse of insight and information, his residence at Delhi had been a mandatory stopover for many renowned scholars like Eleanor Zelliot, Mark Juergensmeyer,Owen lynch, Marc Gallanter, R K Kshirsagar, Sukhadeo Thorat down to younger scholars like Vijay Prashad,Nicolas Jaoul and Maren Bellwinkel-Schempp.
We were expecting much more from Mr. Bhagwan Das but he suddenly left us on 18.11.2010. We can pay a true homage to him only by following in his footsteps. He was truely a legendary Ambedkarite

The New Footsoldiers | Kafila

Casting the ‘sweepers’. Local politics of sanskritisation, caste and labour | Nicolas Jaoul - Academia.edu

Casting the ‘sweepers’. Local politics of sanskritisation, caste and labour | Nicolas Jaoul - Academia.edu

Why We Can Never be Hindus or the Struggle against Fascism in India - Mainstream Weekly

Why We Can Never be Hindus or the Struggle against Fascism in India - Mainstream Weekly

Dr. B.R.Ambedkar’s Contribution To Buddhist Education In India By Nishikant Waghmare

Dr. B.R.Ambedkar’s Contribution To Buddhist Education In India By Nishikant Waghmare

Ambedkar's Advice Conversion Vital for Emancipation, by KHAN YASIR

Ambedkar's Advice Conversion Vital for Emancipation, by KHAN YASIR

Monday, 14 July 2014

Patel’s Idolization and Need for Libraries -S.R.Darapuri I.P.S.(Retd)


Patel’s Idolization and Need for Libraries
-S.R.Darapuri I.P.S.(Retd)
In the recent Union budget presented by Central government lead by Bhartiy Janta Party (BJP) a budget provision of Rupees 200 Crores has been made for setting up a statute of Sardar Vallabhbhai  Patel who was Deputy Prime Minister during Jawahar Lal Nehru’s Prime Minister ship. Although he was a Congress man but was an orthodox Hindus and now is a sinecure of BJP as symbol of Hindutva. BJP used the slogan of raising his highest statue in Gujrat and attracted the voters. It had also collected iron in small pieces from every supporter of BJP all over the country as a contribution to the statue of Patel. It paid them good dividend and they have come to power.  Now it is proposed to raise the said statue with public money to the tune of 200 Crores. Hence the question arises what happend to the iron collected during the election for this purpose. Similarly where has gone the Ram Shilas (Ram Bricks) and millions of funds collected for building Ram Temple at Ayodhya?
Since BJP used the name of Sardar Patel and the slogan of raising his statue during the election then why public money should be used for their election icon? If BJP wants to put up a statue of Patel then it should be out of the Party fund and not with public money which is meant for public use. It is also a fact that although Patel was opposed to the activities of Rashtriy Sewak Sangh (RSS) but he was an orthodox Hindu at heart. As Deputy Prime Minister he had proposed to renovate Somnath Temple with public money but was  deterred by Nehru. Nehru also prevented Dr. Rajinder Parsad, the then President of India, from participating in the inauguration ceremony  of the said temple after renovation.
Sardar Patel as Deputy Prime Minister was anti Dalit and anti Dr. B.R.Ambedkar. He had openly declared that in the new Constitution there will be no reservation of any kind for any community. This way he totally ignored the provisions of Poona Pact which had guaranteed Political, Educational and Public Services reservation to Dalits. This highly perturbed Dalit members of the Constituent Assembly.  They went to Dr. Ambedkar and told him about Patel’s attitude regarding reservation. Since Dr. Ambedkar was Chairman of the Constitution Framing Committe he advised them to approach Gandhiji. They met Gandhiji and told him about the attitude of Mr. Patel and provisions of Poona Pact about reservation. On this Gandhiji talked to Patel and ordered him to respect Poona Pact. As such Dalits could get provisions of reservation included in the Constitution. But Muslims, Christians and Sikhs who enjoyed reservation before 1947 were deprived of it. After a long struggle Sikhs could get it in 1956 and Muslims and Christians are still fighting for it.
As regards relations between Dr. Ambedkar and Patel they were very strained. Actually Patel did not like the framing of the Constitution by Dr. Ambedkar.  Their relations were so strained that once Dr. Ambedkar threw away the file concerning framing of the Constitution and remarked,” take it away to Mr. Patel and tell him to get the Constitution drafted from anyone he likes. I will not do this work."
Dr. Ambedkar himself was opposed to the erecting of statues of public figures at public cost. It is strongly reflected from this episode. In 1916 when Dr. Ambedkar was studying in Columbia University of America a news item appeared in the “Bombay Chronocle.” It stated that Congress had decided to set up memorials in honour of Dadabhai Nauroji and Gopal Krishan Gokhle, both ex- presidents of Congress. It was proposed to set up  a statue of Dadabhai Nauroji in the premises of Bombay Municipality office. In respect of Gopal Krishan Gokhle it was proposed to establish a branch of “Servants of India Society” in every district of the State. In response to this news Dr. Ambedkar wrote a letter to the editor of “Bombay Chronicle” stating, “The memorial of setting up a branch of “Servants of India Society” in each district is understandable but cannot we have a better memorial for Dadabhai Nauroji? Cannot we set up a good library in his name?” He further remarked, “As a nation we have not understood the importance of role of libraries in the development of a society.” Alas! Mayawati should also have learnt something from Dr. Ambedkar and had avoided wasting of thousand crores on idols and parks. Had she set up libraries and schools in place of statues and parks these would have benefited all for centuries?
Now if BJP is bent upon spending public money on memorial of Sardar Patel let it be not in the form of a statue with which India is already over flooded. It will be much beneficial to set up Public Libraries in his name all over India. The statue may be erected if at all out of the iron collected by them during the election and out of party fund. It is also high time that we should frame a national policy to lay down guide lines for setting up memorials and parks to commemorate public figures. It will also put a check on the whims and fancies of the political parties and  prevent misuse of public money. 

  

Sunday, 18 May 2014

Why Maywati’s Dalit Vote Bank has shrunk? -S.R.Darapuri I.P.S. (Retd)



Why Maywati’s Dalit Vote Bank has shrunk?
S.R.Darapuri I.P.S. (Retd) and National Spokesman All India Peoples Front
Commenting on the recent rout of Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) in Lok Sabha election Mayawati has attributed it to Brahmans, Backwards and Muslims having been misled and hence not voting for BSP. She added that they may have to repent afterwards. As such she has clearly admitted the failure of her much trumpeted up “social engineering” formula. Mayawati has also attributed her failure at election to her having extended support to Congress lead UPA government. She has further accused Congress and Samajvadi Party (SP) for spreading the rumour that Dalit vote bank is shifting to Bhartiya Janta Party (BJP) and thereby mislead Muslims and Backwards. But along with it she has also claimed that in spite of her failure to win a single seat her Dalit vote bank has remained intact.
Now let us test the truth of this claim in the light of available data:-
If we look at the result of various elections since 2007 it becomes clear that since the beginning of Mayawati ‘s Sarvjan Politics (All People) in place of Bahujan (Majority of People)Politics in 2007 vote base of BSP has continuously shrunk. In 2007 Assembly election BSP got 30.46 %, in 2009 Lok Sabha election 27.42 % (-3.02%), in 2012 Assembly election 25.90 % (-1.52%) and now in 2014 Lok Sabha election it has come down to 19.60 % (-6.30%).  It clearly shows that Mayawati’s claim of her Dalit vote bank remaining intact is not correct.
Mayawati’s claim that her Dalit vote bank in Uttar Pradesh (U.P.) has increased from 1.51 Crores in 2009 to 1.60 Crores in 2014 is also not correct because out of a total increase of 1.61 Crore voters her share has remained limited to 9 lacs voters only.  According to figures released by National Election Commission the vote share of BSP has scaled down to 4.1% from 6.17 % in 2009 after suffering a fall of 2 %. Sanjay Mohan, the Director of Centre for Study of Developing Societies has also hinted at an encroachment on Dalit vote bank of Mayawati.
Mayawati’s blame that misguided Dalits have voted for BJP is also baseless. She knows it well that a large chunk of Dalits including Chamaras who are said to be highly committed to Mayawati, had moved away from her during 2012 Assembly elections. One of the main reasons for it is that Mayawati has sold Dalit politics to the same mafias, goons and capitalists who are their class enemies. Antagonised with this a large number of Chamars and other Dalit sub castes have moved away from BSP.  It is well known that Mayawati sold the Assembly and Parliamentry tickets by auction, sold Dalits votes like sheep and goats to any body and boasted of having the power to transfer Dalit votes to anyone. This antagonised the Dalits after some time. That is why during last Assembly election and during recent Lok Sabha election Dalits have cut her to size and have abandoned her in large numbers.
 In the absence of any Dalit development agenda and pursuing the politics of chair Dalits got disillusioned with her. During her tenure of four times Chief Ministership of U.P. Dalits did not get any material gain. On the contrary according to one study barring Dalits of Bihar, Orissa, Madhya Pradesh and Rajsthan  Dalits of U.P. stand behind Dalits of all other states when judged on the development parameter like Male/Female Literacy Rate, Male/Female/0-6 years Child Sex Ratio and Work Participation Rate (Regular Employment). Mayawati’s personal and political corruption deprived  the Dalits from the benefits of various government welfare schemes. On the other hand her party rank holders and her ministers prospered like anything. Dalit resentment against this has been manifested in these elections. It is a fact there are about 40 Lok Sabha constituencies which have Dalit population above 25 %. In 2009 BSP secured second position in 17 seats but now it has come down to 11. It is thus clear that Mayawati’s claim of Dalit vote bank remaining intact is against the available facts.
In 2012 Assembly Mayawati had blamed the Muslims for not voting for her party. Now again she has not only blamed them but has also said that they may have to repent afterwards. Mayawati forgets the fact that she herself is responsible for forcing the Muslims to distance themselves from her party. In 1993 Muslims had voted for wholeheartedly with the expectation that she will give them protection and work for their advancement. But in 1995 it was Mayawati who with her lust for Chief Ministership of U.P. joined hands with BJP, the declared enemy of Muslims. After this she twice sought help from BJP to occupy the Chief Ministership of U.P.  Not only this in 2003 she gave a clean chit to Narinder Modi over massacre of 2000 Muslims in Gujrat in 2002 and also went for electioneering in Assembly elections in Gujrat. There is no guarantee that she will not again join hands with BJP. In the face of this shameless opportunism, how does Mayawati expect Muslims to continue to vote for her. Her silence over Muzaffarnagar riots also added to their antagonism.   
Mayawati’s refusal to admit any of her faults for her failure has further antagonised Dalits and Muslims. Last time she had blamed the Muslims for it. This time she is putting blame on her support for Congress lead UPA government under the pretext of keeping away communal forces from government. But it does not seem to be very convincing. The fact is that her fear of CBI because of her Disproportionate Property case compelled her to support UPA and this case is still hanging in Supreme Court. The same fear may again compel her to be soft towards BJP. Mayawati herself is responsible for this sorry state of affairs.
From the above brief discussion it is clear that Dalits have slammed Mayawati’s Sarvjan formula. The Muslims have also moved away from her. At present the biggest challenge to  Dalits, Muslims, Labour class,  farmers, small entrepreneurs and petty shop keepers is from the pro Corporate, Hindutva and fascist politics which cannot be faced by opportunist, blackmailing and pro Corporate politics of Mayawati and Mulayam Singh type politicians. It is required that all Leftists, Progressive and Ambedkarite forces should come together to oppose Corporate and Fascist politics by adopting pro people politics.
At the end I would like to reiterate the comments of Naom Chomasky , the world renowned political thinker in which on 15th May at Boston he said,"The extreme right forces will take over India. India is in for a danger. It is a very dangerous situation. The BJP will come to power like the Nazis did in Germany through populist measures. The BJP is following the same model. The Congress has miserably failed to check these forces. It is the responsibility of all shades of the leftist and other progressive forces to come together and accept this challenge and change the situation."
  (On that day Naom Chomasky had delivered his one and a half hour lecture in Cambridge Public Library on Foreign Policy of America. He gave this reaction in an informal talk with Ram Sharan Joshi).
   


Saturday, 15 February 2014

All India Peoples Front demands Judicial inquiry into false implication of innocent Muslims in terror cases by police agencies

To,
The Home Minister,
Ministry of Home Affairs,
Govt. Of India,
New Delhi.
Sir,
Reproduced below is the resolution passed on 12.02.2014 during All India People Front (R) National Convenor, Akhlendar Partap Singh’s 10 day’s Fast and Dharna from 7th February to 16th February, 2014 at Jantar Mantar, New Delhi. Attached herewith are also two documents titled “The Conspiracy after the Terror” and “The People of the Abyss” downloaded from www.gulail.com. which contain evidence of innocence of the Muslims falsely implicated by police in terror cases. A copy of the Criminal Appeal filed in Bombay High Court by Ashish Khetan, a renowned Journalist is also enclosed herewith for information and necessary action. A similar Criminal Appeal is also proposed to be filed in Allahabd High Court.
It is, therefore, requested that a Judicial Commission may be constituted to enquire into the false implication of innocent Muslims in terror cases of U.P. and Maharashtra to ensure justice and fair play.

 S.R.Darapuri
Ex- I.G.Police & National Spokesman,
All India Peoples Front (R)
******
Resolution regarding constituting a Judicial Commission to enquire into false implication of innocent Muslims in Terror Cases of U.P. and Maharashtra passed on 12.02.2014 during All India People Front (R) (AIPF) National Convenor, Akhlendar Partap Singh’s 10 days Fast and Dharna at Jantar Mantar, New Delhi from 7th February to 16th February, 2014
1. Different State police services have arrested people, mostly belonging to Muslim families, some of them abjectly poor, for having participated in the act and conspiracy for conducting bomb blasts at various locations in Maharashtra and Uttar Pradesh. It is now clear from documents that are available on record with these investigative agencies that they are aware, as of this date, that all these persons are innocent, or at the very least, that there is competing evidence in the form of confessions and parallel investigations that somebody else committed these offences. The same set of confessions/fresh evidence also reveals that the Gujarat police had deliberately expanded the ambit of the 2008 Ahmadabad Blasts Conspiracy to implicate around 50 Muslim youth who had nothing to do with the blasts.
2. The most obvious and well known example of conflicting evidence in terror investigations is the 2006 Malegaon mosque blasts. Explosives were shown to be recovered from some persons, and the ATS said that these were used in Malegaon and the Mumbai train blasts. The ATS even had an approver in the Malegaon case. It has now been found by the NIA that it was a Hindutva group behind Malegaon blasts for which around a dozen poor Muslims picked up had spent many years in jail. The Maharashtra ATS had managed to procure ‘confessions’ from these men and had also managed to put up approvers and accomplices before the Court. There is no other conclusion to be drawn from this apart from the fact that it was a manufactured case.
3. The research conducted by Ashish Khetan, a noted journalist and released publicly has shown that at least in three cases prosecuted by Maharashtra police, namely the Mumbai local train blasts on 11.07.2006, the 2006 Malegaon Blasts and the Pune German Bakery case of February 2010, Maharashtra police has deliberately created bogus evidence, extracted false confessions by subjecting the accused to most inhuman forms of torture, planted explosives in the houses of the accused and thus implicated innocent Muslim youth.
4.. It is pertinent to mention here that a man named Sadiq Sheikh, a member of the Indian Mujahideen, was arrested in September, 2008. Agencies like Mumbai Crime Branch have themselves claimed (both in court and in public) that Sadiq’s interrogation led to the arrest of over 70 terror suspects by UP ATS, Hyderabad CIC, Ahmedabad Crime Branch, Rajasthan ATS and Delhi Special Cell. Some of the content of these reports, and ‘confessions’ etc is part of the charge-sheets filed by different agencies. But curiously Sadiq and his accomplices were charge-sheeted in only those blast cases in which the investigation was still not completed. Hyderabad Blasts (Gokul Chat and Lumbini Park) of 2007, Ahmedabad and Surat (aborted) Blasts of 2008, Delhi Blasts of 2008 were some of the cases in which the alleged Indian Mujahideen members including Sadiq Shaikh were charges-sheeted.
5. Similar evidence of false arrests and false prosecutions is available on record about seven terror cases in Uttar Pradesh. The internal records that are now available suggest that an entirely different set of accused than those who had been originally arrested and charge sheeted in these seven cases are believed by other terror investigation agencies to be involved in these cases. Investigation agencies like the Maharashtra ATS, Gujarat Police and UP ATS have a version of the UP terror cases, which are completely at variance with what is lead before the courts in UP. A set of terror suspects were arrested much after the arrest of the original accused. What is extremely significant is that in the interrogation reports prepared by different agencies (including UP ATS) these terror suspects had neither suggested nor claimed of having any even remote linkage or connection with those accused who had been originally arrested for these blasts by the different arms of the UP Police.Internal records also indicate that interrogation reports of several terror suspects recorded by different anti-terror agencies of the country narrate an entirely contradictory story of at least seven terror cases related to the state of Uttar Pradesh than that told by the UP police to the courts currently trying these cases. Shockingly, some of these interrogation reports have been prepared by the agencies like Anti-terrorist Squad of the Uttar Pradesh police itself—the very same police that is behind the arrests and investigations of some of these cases.
6. In such a situation, it is clear that wherever investigations are looked into one finds many stories of false investigations and arrests. Some of these false prosecutions and arrests may have been actuated by malice and some simply to avoid loss of face in light of the contradictory evidence which shows the original prosecution story to be false. In either case, it is clear that in these, and possibly in other cases, those false cases have been foisted on innocent people because they were vulnerable and because the police did not show results. In such a situation, there is an urgent need for impartial review from an impartial agency to make sure that terror cases are continued only when they are actually made out.
7. No quarter should be given to those who indulge in terror crimes. What happens when the innocent are prosecuted is that the guilty escape and get emboldened. The IRs (Interrogation Reports) collected by Ashish Khetan suggest that crime after crime was committed by a set of entirely different persons while the police and security agencies wantonly pursued false cases. Had serious leads been followed to start with, many crimes may have been prevented.
8. The new evidence available with the NIA and other Central Agencies show that in many major terror cases the State Police in order to show quick results have implicated innocent Muslims on the basis of fabricated evidence. The new body of evidence which completely contradicts investigations done by Maharashtra ATS, UP Police and Gujarat Police needs to be judiciously and independently examined and the existing trials and cases like 7/11 Mumbai Train Blasts, Pune German Bakery Blast, UP Court Blasts, etc. need to be reviewed. There is an urgent need to form a judicial commission or a high-level enquiry committee for the purpose. While innocent accused need to be released and rehabilitated, those culpable for such heinous crimes should be tried and given exemplary punishment.