Dalit v/s Bahujan and the Need for Multi -Class Unity

 

Dalit v/s Bahujan and the Need for Multi -Class Unity

- S.R. Darapuri, National President, All India Peoples Front

 

For quite some time now, the term "Bahujan" has been used in politics instead of "Dalit." According to the proponents of the Bahujan concept, Bahujan includes Dalits and backward classes. According to Kanshi Ram, it also includes Muslims, and their number constitutes 85%. According to his theory, the Bahujans should unite and seize power from the 15% upper castes. While this formula sounds very good and seems to hold great potential, the question is, what is the formula for uniting the Bahujans? Is it the commonality of being Untouchable and Shudra, or something else? The Untouchables and Shudras are divided into countless castes, and they suffer from varying degrees of caste pride. They are just as afflicted by Brahmanism (superiority complex) as they accuse the upper castes of being. There are many intense internal contradictions within them. The Backward Castes consider themselves superior to the Dalits and behave accordingly. Currently, most atrocities against Dalits are committed not by the upper castes but by the prosperous (kulak) Backward Castes. Most Dalits are labourers, and the economic interests of these newly wealthy castes clash with those of the labourers. This is why these castes perpetrate atrocities against Dalits regarding wages and forced labour. In such a situation, on what basis can unity be established between Dalits and Backward Castes? On one hand, there is social distance, and on the other hand, a conflict of economic interests. Therefore, merely being Dalit and backward, or Untouchable and Shudra, cannot be the basis for unity. Even if some unity is formed based on political self-interest, it cannot be permanent, as has been observed in practice.

Now, if we analyse the class structure of Dalits and Backward Castes, it is found that even within the Dalit community, a class division between the prosperous and the poor has emerged. The distinction between the forward, backward, and extremely backward classes within the Backward Castes is very clear. For some time now, only the affluent sections of the Dalit and Backward classes have benefited from economic development and gained a share in political power. In contrast, most Dalits and Backward Classes remain severely marginalized. This division has given rise to the concept of the "most backward" among Dalits and other backward classes. This also makes it clear that the concept of "Bahujan" (the majority) is merely an abstract idea. Similarly, among Muslims, there is a division between Ashraf, Ajlaf, and Arzal, which is manifesting itself as the Pasmanda (most backward) Muslims  movement.

Now the question arises: what can be the real basis for unity within these groups? The above analysis makes it clear that within Dalits, backward classes, and Muslims, there are two distinct classes – the forward and the backward – whose economic and political interests are different, and there are sharp contradictions and conflicts between them. Until now, the dominant section of these groups has been leading the entire caste/class and community in the name of caste and religion, and it is this section that has reaped all the economic and political benefits of development. This has intensified caste/class divisions and conflicts within these groups. Various political parties have been exploiting this caste/class division, but no party has identified their real issues or done anything for their upliftment.

 Recently, the BJP has united them in the name of Hindutva and garnered their votes. If we look closely, this class is socially, economically, and politically backward. The real upliftment of these classes can only be achieved by addressing the issues related to their backwardness and formulating policies to resolve them. Therefore, their true unity can only be built around these issues, not based on caste and religion. From the perspective of economic and political interests, these groups are natural allies because their problems are similar, and their struggle for liberation is also the same.

Under the umbrella of "Bahujan," the issues and interests of the most backward sections get suppressed. Therefore, to establish strong unity among these extremely backward sections, instead of the artificial concept of Bahujan based on caste/religion, issues related to their social, economic, and political backwardness should be raised. Politics based on caste and religion only strengthens Hindutva. With this objective, the All India People's Front (AIPF) has included the following issues under social justice in its agenda: (1) separating the quota for backward Muslims from the Other Backward Classes (OBCs), amending Article 341 to include Dalit Muslims and Christians in the Scheduled Castes, and implementing the recommendations of the Sachar Committee and Ranganath Mishra Committee; (2) providing separate reservation quotas for extremely backward Hindu and Muslim castes from within the 27% OBC quota; (3) restoring the reservation system in promotions as soon as possible; (4) filling vacant government posts under the SC/ST quota through a special campaign; (5) providing reservations to Dalits, Adivasis, OBCs, and Extremely Backward Classes in the private sector as well; (6) granting tribal status to tribal communities like the Kol community of Uttar Pradesh; (7) strictly implementing the Forest Rights Act and making employment a fundamental right, etc.

 With the aim of giving representation to these sections, the party has reserved 75% of the positions in its constitution for Dalits, Backward Classes, Minorities, and Women. The AIPF is striving to promote issue-based multi-class political unity instead of caste-based Bahujan politics, as Dr. Ambedkar also did by establishing the Republican Party of India (RPI). With this objective, the AIPF is currently running an Employment and Social Rights Campaign which is getting good response.

Dr. Ambedkar's Dream of Economic Empowerment of Dalits is Incomplete

 

Dr. Ambedkar's Dream of Economic Empowerment of Dalits is Incomplete

- Dinkar Kapoor, State General Secretary, All India People's Front

Special on Diksha Diwas (14 October)

On 14 October 1956, Dr. Ambedkar converted to Buddhism in Nagpur due to untouchability, caste and class divisions in Hinduism. This day is as important for his followers as 14 April is his Birthday and 6 December is his Parinirvana Divas. Some people also celebrate it on Vijayadashami i.e. Dussehra day because Dussehra fell on this day in 1956. Dr. Ambedkar had said before that that it was not in his control that he was born as a Hindu but he would not die as a Hindu

Dr. Ambedkar's entire life was spent in fighting for the upliftment of the exploited, oppressed and deprived classes. He wanted that these classes should be able to get civil rights in India and lead a respectable life. That is why he worked on the dual policy of reservation. First is social participation and second is economic empowerment. Social participation includes rights like reservation in politics, jobs and education, respectable life and economic empowerment includes SC-ST share in budget, right to land, employment, education, and health issues. Reservation has given Dalits some participation in governance but the issue of economic empowerment is still incomplete.

According to the 2011 Census, the population of Scheduled Castes in the country is 20 crores. Out of which only 3.95 percent Dalit families have jobs in which 2.47 percent families are employed in the private sector. 83 percent Dalit families run their livelihood on an income of less than Rs 5,000 per month. 11.74 percent families run their livelihood between Rs 5,000 to Rs 10,000. 4.67 percent families earn more than Rs 10,000 and only 3.50 percent families run their livelihood on an income of more than Rs 50,000. If we look, 42 ​​percent of Dalit families are landless and 35.30 percent of Tribal families are landless. 94 percent Dalits and 92 percent Tribals earn their livelihood through wages and other professions. Dalit families have 18.5 percent non-irrigated, 17.41 percent irrigated and 6.98 percent other land. Special provisions were made in the government budget for the development of Dalits even before independence. Despite this, the question of their development has not been resolved.

If we look at the SC sub-plan brought by the government in this financial year, a large part of the budget of this sub-plan has been allocated for corporate profits. In the financial year 2024-25, the Government of India has allocated a budget of Rs 1,65,492.72 crore in the SC sub-plan budget, which is Rs 7,345 crore more than the previous financial year. In view of the rising inflation, this increase is like a drop in the ocean. In this too, the Central Government has allocated a lot of money for corporate houses. Rs 15,435 crore has been allocated for Jal Jeevan Mission run by Adani, Rs 895 crore for Adani's own Solar Power Grid, Rs 573 crore for semi-conductor manufacturing and its development, Rs 514 crore for Linked Incentive Scheme, Rs 1,585 crore for Telecommunication, Rs 10,510.98 crore for Urea Subsidy and Rs 3,844.70 crore for Nutrient-based Subsidy. On the other hand, if we look at the schemes being run for the welfare of Dalits, there has been a huge cut. In the budget allocated in the name of Agriculture and Farmers Welfare, about Rs 200 crore has been cut in the Pradhan Mantri Fasal Bima Yojana. Rs 10 crore has been cut in Natural Farming, Rs 300 crore in Pradhan Mantri Kisan Samman Nidhi, Rs 80 crore in Farmer Producer Organization (FPO) of 10,000 farmers in the country, Rs 50 crore in Rashtriya Krishi Vikas Yojana, Rs 500 crore in Modified Interest Subsidy Scheme KCC (Kisan Credit Card).

While the budget of the Ministry of Food and Public Distribution was Rs 19,156.04 crore in 2023-24, it has been reduced to Rs 18,742.80 crore in this financial year. Rs 20 crore has been cut in the budget of cultural festivals organized by Dalits across the country. There has been a budget cut of Rs 10 crore in the Prime Minister's initiative for the development of the North East region. While it was Rs 200 crore earlier, this time it is Rs 190 crore. Rs 10 crore has also been cut in the Special Development Scheme for this region. A huge cut of Rs 679.46 crore has been made in the UGC budget for Scheduled Caste students. The budget to be spent on Dalit students studying in IITs has been reduced by Rs 60 crore. In the budget of Prime Minister Modi, who made a big claim of providing treatment to the poor of the country under Ayushman Bharat (PM Jai Yojana), the expenditure on Dalits has been increased by a very nominal amount of Rs 37 crore. It is even lesser than the announcement made this year to include all the elderly above 70 years of age in it.

The budget given for Scheduled Caste workers and employment is also very less. Rs 23 crore has been cut in the budget for creating data of workers in the unorganized sector. Rs 30 crore has been cut in the Pradhan Mantri Shram Yogi Maandhan Yojana which was launched with great fanfare and no budget has been allocated this year in the Pradhan Mantri Karmayogi Maandhan Yojana. In the Atmanirbhar Bharat Rojgar Yojana which was launched by the government a few days ago with great propaganda, the Rs 384.24 crore allocated in 2023-24 has been reduced to Rs 24.90 crore. The budget of MSME which was Rs 4,534.58 crore in 2022-23 has been reduced to Rs 3,755.01 crore in 2023-24 and Rs 3,630.30 crore this time. This government has reduced Rs 800 crore in the emergency credit loan which people take for small and micro industries. Not a single penny of the program of social assistants has been increased as compared to the previous financial year. The budget of old age pension, widow pension, disability pension which was Rs 1,735.37 crore in 2023-24 has been allocated this time as well. Rs 2,250 crore has been cut in the budget of MNREGA. In the year 2023-24, Rs 13,250 crore was allocated in MNREGA for Dalits, which is Rs 11,000 crore this time. There is a lot of discussion about the Pradhan Mantri Awas Yojana, but the government has reduced Rs 700 crore in this too. There has been a reduction of Rs 10 crore in the post-matric scholarship and no budget increase in the pre-matric scholarship.

There has been an increase of Rs 100 crore in the Pradhan Mantri Scheduled Caste Abhyudaya Yojana (PMAJAY), which is very small. Samarthya Yojana which includes Shakti Sadan, Swadhar, Ujjwala, Widow Home, Working Women Hostel, Palna Grih for the care of their children, Pradhan Mantri Matru Vandana Yojana, its budget of Rs 297.52 crore has been kept the same as the previous budget. Only Rs 20 lakh has been allocated for the hostels for Dalit girls.

It is clear from the above figures that the intention of the Modi government is not the development and upliftment of Dalits. It is also clear that if work is not done towards the empowerment of Dalits, then their social participation will also not be possible. In his last speech at Agra, Dr. Ambedkar had said that I cannot ignore the sufferings of the landless. The main reason for their devastation is their landlessness. Therefore, they keep falling prey to atrocities and humiliation and they are not able to uplift themselves. I will fight for this. This resolution of Dr. Ambedkar is still relevant today, fulfilling which should be the goal of Dalit politics.