How Much pro-Dalit Has Been Mayawati?

 

How Much pro-Dalit Has Been Mayawati?

S.R. Darapuri, National President, All India People's Front

Mayawati became the Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh four times. Generally, it is expected that during this period she would have done a lot for the welfare of Dalits, but the ground reality is completely opposite to this, as is evident from the following examples: -

1.       Mayawati had banned the screening of the film "Teesri Azadi" made by Kanshiram through BAMCEF in Uttar Pradesh in 2007 because some people from the higher caste had objected to it. This ban continues even today.

2.       Mayawati had banned the sale of Periyar's book "Sachchi Ramayan” (A True Ramayana) in Uttar Pradesh in 2007 because some people from the public had objected to it.

3.       Mayawati had banned the installation of Dr. Ambedkar's statue in Uttar Pradesh even at a public place or private land without the permission of the District Magistrate, which is still in force.

4.       Mayawati had stopped reservation for SCs/STs in admission to sports college given by a Dalit officer (Harish Chandra IAS) with Mayawati's approval because the people of Sarvajan had objected to it saying that it will lead to decline in the level of sports. It is noteworthy that this reservation was not for admission in any team but only for admission in sports college. Mayawati had also blamed that the said officer had fraudulently taken my signature.

5.       Mayawati had issued an order issued by the same Dalit officer with Mayawati's approval that if any Dalit is living on any land (including village land) in a hut or house, then he should not be evicted but the said land should be transferred in his name. Some people of Sarvajan objected to this saying that this will give Dalits the right to occupy anyone's land, so Mayawati cancelled the said order saying that the said officer had got issued a wrong order with her approval   and removed Harish Chandra from the post of Revenue Secretary.

6.       In 1996, Kanshi Ram had announced to hold a “Periyar Mela” in Lucknow and install a statue of Periyar at Parivartan Chowk, but when BJP opposed it, neither Periyar Mela was held nor till date, not only Periyar’s statue, but not even a poster could be installed in Lucknow.

7.       Mayawati’s biggest blow to the Dalits of Uttar Pradesh was to stop the implementation of SC/ST Act in the case of atrocities on Dalits in 2001, saying that it was being misused. At that time, there were 21 crimes of atrocities in the said Act. In the order issued by Mayawati, it was to be applied only in two cases instead of 19: one murder and the other rape. In the case of rape too, there was a condition that it should first be certified by a medical examination. It is well known how much manipulation is done in the medical report in the case of rape of Dalit women. The police deliberately delays registration of the case  so that the evidence is destroyed. Due to this, Dalits had to suffer a double blow. Firstly, those who tortured Dalits were exempted from strict punishment and they continued to torture Dalits fearlessly. Secondly, the compensation given to Dalits under this Act in case of atrocities was also stopped. This anti-Dalit act which no non-Dalit Chief Minister had the courage to do, was done by Mayawati with full impunity. It is also worth mentioning that the SC/ST Act is a Central act and no state government has the power to make any change in it, but still Mayawati banned it with full arrogance. It is also worth mentioning that there is already a provision to act under Section 182 against the person who files a false case against someone.

Some Dalit organizations had challenged the above anti-Dalit illegal act of Mayawati in the Allahabad High Court and got it cancelled. But in the government order issued by Mayawati after this, while cancelling her previous government order, she again wrote that this Act should not be misused under any circumstances, the meaning of which the police understand very well.

8.       During Mayawati's rule, cases of atrocities on Dalits were not registered on the pretext that this would bring disrepute to the Mayawati government. Dalits had to bear the brunt of this. The best example of this is the burning of 18 houses of Dalits by Thakur people in Amethi. I was told about this by a BSP MLA himself. He told that when he met Mayawati regarding the police not registering a case of burning Dalit houses, Mayawati scolded him saying that this would bring disrepute to the government.

9.       In 2007, Faizabad (Bikapur) BSP MLA Anand Sen was accused of kidnapping and murdering Shashi, a Dalit law graduate student of Faizabad, but he was completely acquitted due to Mayawati's protection.

10.     In 2011, BSP MLA Purushottam Dwivedi was accused of kidnapping and rape of a minor backward caste girl, but no action was taken. On the contrary, the rape victim was accused of mobile theft and sent to jail. When there was a huge uproar against this bias of the Mayawati government, the case was handed over to the CBI and the MLA was arrested and sent to jail. Ultimately, he was sentenced by the court.

11.     It is well known that under the Right to Food Act, mid-day meals are being provided in all government primary and middle level schools as per the Supreme Court order. Dalit cooks are to be appointed on priority basis for cooking the mid-day meals. Under this order, some Dalit cooks were appointed in Uttar Pradesh. In 2007, when Mayawati became the Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh with a huge majority, the food cooked by a Dalit cook was boycotted in a village school in Sarojini Nagar block of Lucknow, the news of which was also published in the newspapers. Instead of taking punitive action against the students/parents who boycotted the food, the Mayawati government fired the Dalit cook. We, on behalf of the Ambedkar Mahasabha, tried a lot to get the Dalit cook reinstated but failed. Not only this, the Mayawati government even cancelled the government order to recruit Dalit cooks.

It is clear from the above examples how pro-Dalit Mayawati has been.

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Jai Bhim, Jai Samvidhan—slogans that non-Dalits wouldn’t touch have now entered Parliamen

Jai Bhim, Jai Samvidhan—slogans that non-Dalits wouldn’t touch have now entered Parliament

Coined by close Ambedkar confidant Babu Hardas Laxmanrao Nagrale, the 'Jai Bhim’ slogan has seen the rise and decline of many Dalit parties. Now, non-Dalits chant it in Lok Sabha that has no BSP member.

 

Ravikiran Shinde

01 July, 2024 09:00 am IST

In January this year, a Dalit student was assaulted by two other pupils for concluding his Republic Day speech with ‘Jai Bhim-Jai Bharat’ in a school in Narauli, Uttar Pradesh. In May, a Dalit youth, Chandrashekhar Saket, was beaten and threatened with murder by upper-caste men for saying “Jai Bhim, Jai Buddha” in Shahdol.

Dalits being assaulted and killed for saying Jai Bhim has been a tragic reality in 21st-century India. However, on June 24, in an unprecedented event, the Jai Bhim slogan echoed within the chambers of the new parliament as new members were taking their oath. Nearly two dozen Members of Parliament (MPs) — Dalits, Muslims, OBC, and Tribals from Congress, Samajwadi Party, Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katchi (VCK, formerly Dalit Panthers), and Azad Samaj Party (ASP) concluded their oath-taking ceremony with “Jai Bhim” (Victory to Babasaheb Bhimrao Ambedkar) and “Jai Samvidhan”, holding a copy of the Constitution in their hands.

Not only were many non-Dalit members saying Jai Bhim, but this coincided with the BJP, a Hindu nationalist party, losing its single-party Majority in the House after a decade, which was remarkable.

Jai Bhim has evolved from being a Dalit greeting to a slogan against oppression, becoming as ubiquitous as Ambedkar’s image.

Journey of the ‘Jai Bhim’ slogan

In 1935, a 30-year old Dalit leader, Babu Hardas Laxmanrao Nagrale, first coined the term “Jai Bhim”. Ambedkar’s close confidant, Hardas, a general secretary of the Scheduled Castes Federation and legislator from Nagpur, wanted to create a unique salutation for Dalits (similar to the Muslim greeting ‘Salaam Alaikum’). At that time, Dalits used greetings like Jai Johar, Jai Ramapati, Ram Ram, and Namaskar. However, Hardas sought a universal slogan embodying self-respect, brotherhood, and loyalty to Ambedkar and his ideologies—a greeting that could be used with pride, without subservience.

He envisioned and coined the “Jai Bhim” greeting, which was to be reciprocated with “Bal Bhim”. But “Jai Bhim” alone became popular. Little did Babu Hardas realise that his greeting would become a universally accepted slogan across India.

Soon, the Jai Bhim greeting spread like wildfire across the country. It was so catchy and inspiring that it expanded beyond Dalit communities. In the mid-1940s, Thanthai N Sivaraj started an English journal named ‘Jai Bheem’ in then-Madras (now Chennai). It published speeches by Ambedkar and All India Scheduled Caste Federation (AISCF) leaders to unite Dalits in the Madras province under Ambedkar’s leadership.

Some people would say “Jai Bhim” to Ambedkar, who would simply smile in response.

The Jai Bhim slogan became even more popular among Dalits after Ambedkar’s death in 1956. Dalit political parties used it not only as a greeting but also to energise people during rallies, starting and ending their speeches with it. Though the political space occupied by the Republican Party of India diminished after Ambedkar’s death, the slogan survived through Dalit Ambedkarite movements such as the Dalit Panther revolutionary movement founded in the 1970s to fight caste oppression, and through songs and poems.  Buddhists popularised “Namo Buddhay” and the Jai Bhim slogan to conclude speeches.

Dissatisfied with the RPI-Congress alliance in 1971, where RPI got only one seat and the rest went to Congress, Kanshiram started his own social movement and formed BAMCEF (Backward and Minority Communities Employees Federation), uniting government servants who benefited from the reservation policy. The greeting became popular across India and Kanshiram formed DS4 (Dalit Shoshit Samaj Sangharsh Samiti) in 1981 to spread awareness among Dalit Bahujan masses.

Across Uttar Pradesh, “Jai Bhim” was painted on walls along with the elephant symbol. In this traditionally feudalistic state, BSP Dalit workers would often face violence for saying Jai Bhim, but Kanshiram and Mayawait’s relentless efforts bore fruit. In 1989, three BSP members, including Mayawati, won elections, marking the beginning of assertive Dalit politics. They always concluded their speeches with “Jai Bhim, Jai Bharat”. Prakash Ambedkar of Vanchit Bahujan Aghadi created a similar social engineering coalition of Dalits and OBCs with his erstwhile Bahujan Mahasangh in the 1990s, achieving limited success as the Jai Bhim slogan started spreading to non Dalits.

As BAMCEF and BSP spread across northern India, the Jai Bhim slogan, which had lost prominence after RPI’s decline, regained its significance. Punjabi Singer Ginni Mahi has a famous song “Bolo Jai Bhim”.

Mayawati’s rise in the 1990s showcased Dalit assertive political leadership for the first time in India. Jai Bhim echoed in the chambers of Parliament and the UP assembly, and in rallies that the media slowly began to cover. There were Dalit leaders such as Ram Vilas Paswan and Babu Jagjivan Ram before Mayawati, but none became a symbol of Dalit assertion like her. She not only raised the Jai Bhim slogan in Parliament since 1989 but also ensured that Ambedkar and Bahujan leaders found prominent space in Noida’s Dalit Prerana Sthal and Lucknow’s Ambedkar Park, creating a legacy that will be remembered for years.

With the advent of the Gujarat laboratory and BJP’s attempt to change the Constitution under Atal Bihari Vajpayee, it was  BSP that first coined the slogan to save the Constitution: “Samvidhan ke samman mein BSP maidan mein” (BSP is on the ground to save the Constitution).

During her rallies in 2019 in alliance with SP, Mayawati would say, “Namo wale ja rahe hain air Jai Bhim wale aa rahe hain.” (BJP is going away, and Jai Bhim supporters are coming to power)

Two major anti-government protest in recent times—following Rohith Vemula’s suicide due to institutional bias and the anti-CAA bill protests—saw Ambedkar and the Jai Bhim slogan occupying centre stage as Dalit and Muslims rallied with Ambedkar’s photo.

In 2022, Delhi CM Arvind Kejriwal directed his government to display photos of only Ambedkar and Bhagat Singh; no other leaders.

This transformation was not possible without the social awakening initiated by BSP among the downtrodden. As BSP’s influence began to wane after its 2007-2012 peak, other parties like Samajwadi Party and Congress, sensing an opportunity to tap into the large Dalit population in key states like UP (20 per cent), formed an alliance to woo Dalits with agenda close to their hearts: saving Ambedkar’s Constitution from Modi-led BJP and save SC/ST reservation. The campaign was successful, with many Dalits (including BSP turncoats ) winning on INDIA coalition tickets. SP’s Dalit candidate Awadhesh Prasad defeated the BJP candidate in Faizabad’s non-reserved constituency, where the Ayodhya temple is located. “Victory to Ambedkar and his Constitution,” Prasad said while taking oath. The INDIA bloc replicated this success in Maharashtra, winning 30 of the 48 seats as Dalits and Muslims backed them in large numbers.

INDIA partners’ anti-Constitution past 

The Congress, now swearing by “Ambedkar’s Constitution,” did not give due respect to Ambedkar for years after his death. Remarkably, a portrait of the chief architect of India’s Constitution didn’t find a place in the Central Hall of Parliament until 1990, when Prime Minister VP Singh of the Janata Dal inaugurated it. This change came only after the rise of the BSP.

Uddhav Thackeray’s father Bal Thackeray ridiculed Ambedkar and preferred dictatorship over democracy (even supporting Indira Gandhi during the Emergency).

Samajwadi Party, led by Akhilesh Yadav, opposed the reservation in promotion Bill for SC/ST, and its MP tore the Bill in Parliament. As chief minister, Akhilesh often spoke against the Bill and even renamed districts named after Kanshiram, Rajarshi Shahu Maharaj (pioneer of reservations in India), and other social reformers. Samajwadi Party members had Mayawati almost killed in the infamous guest house incident in 1995.

Nobody celebrated Constitution Day except Dalit-led parties like BSP, RPI, and Vanchit Bahujan Aghadi. In fact, the Constitution Day (26 November) celebration of the enactment of the Indian Constitution did not receive any special mention from the government until recently.

Today, some Congress and SP MPs have a copy of the Constitution in their hands and ‘Jai Bhim’ on their lips—but it remains to be seen if this will remain an empty political slogan to woo Dalits or represent an actual ideological shift.

Jai Bhim has become a cool slogan. However, with Jai Bhim comes the responsibility of understanding and promoting constitutional plurality, representation, the ability to fight against Brahminism and fundamentalism non-violently, and standing for the downtrodden. This is why it appeals to Muslims and other backward classes as well.

Perhaps that is why it has become the Opposition’s favourite, as they believe it’s their best bet to fight the BJP’s brand of religious nationalism and jingoism—something BJP and Modi are finding hard to counter. In fact, Lok Sabha Speaker Om Birla appeared miffed with members saying “Jai Samvidhan” but had no problem when a BJP member said “Jai Hindu Rashtra”.

In 2021, Se Gnanavel, director of the popular Jai Bhim movie, which was highly rated on IMDB, regretted that that slogan Jai Bhim and Ambedkar are often identified with a caste. “Jai Bhim, in fact, is the slogan of all those who are suppressed. Their weapon is the Constitution of India. If women are suppressed, Jai Bhim is their slogan, too,” he said.

The movie ends with this: “Jai Bhim is light. Jai Bhim is love. Jai Bhim is a path from darkness to light. Jai Bhim is the teardrop of millions of people.”

“Jai Bhim wala” has been used as a slur to denote someone as Dalit, but now “Jai Bhim” has become a universal socio-cultural and political slogan that encompasses Ambedkarite ideology. The slogan and Ambedkar’s picture have replaced “Inquilab Zindabad”, Gandhi’s picture, and other slogans.

A Hindi Movie titled Bole India, Jai Bhim was based on the life of Babu Hardas. Now, the INDIA bloc is doing exactly that.

Kanshiram and Mayawati laid the foundation of Dalit Bahujan awakening in the toughest times pre- and post-Mandal and carried the slogan and Ambedkarite ideology through challenging periods by actual social upliftment. Now other parties are reaping its benefits by empty sloganeering without doing any actual ground work. But will they walk the talk and follow it in the spirit of the Constitution and Ambedkar’s ideologies?

Ravi Shinde is an independent writer and columnist. He writes on socio-political issues and is a proponent of diversity. He tweets @scribe_it. Views are personal.

(Edited by Prashant)

Courtesy: The Print