Life and Mission of Bhagwan Das: A True Ambedkarite

 

Life and Mission of Bhagwan Das: A True Ambedkarite

SR Darapuri I.P.S.(Retd)

(Special in birthday of Bhagwan Das on 23 April)

                Bhagwan Das In Pursuit of Ambedkar: Documentary Film:

        https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ZxKV3coY9wY 

Introduction

The history of modern India’s struggle for social justice is inseparable from the life and thought of B. R. Ambedkar. Yet, the survival and transmission of Ambedkar’s ideas across generations have depended not only on political movements but also on dedicated scholar-activists who preserved and interpreted his intellectual legacy. Among them, Bhagwan Das occupies a unique and distinguished position. He was not merely a follower but one of the most committed interpreters and custodians of Ambedkarite thought.

This essay examines Bhagwan Das’s life, his intellectual contributions, his engagement with Buddhism, and his broader mission within the Ambedkarite movement. It argues that Bhagwan Das represents a model of “intellectual Ambedkarism,” characterized by fidelity to ideas, commitment to scholarship, and dedication to social transformation through knowledge.

Early Life and Social Background

Bhagwan Das was born in 1927 (23 April) in India into a socially marginalized community. His early life was marked by the pervasive realities of caste discrimination, which deeply influenced his intellectual and moral development. Like many Dalit thinkers of his generation, he encountered systemic exclusion in education and social life. These experiences shaped his lifelong commitment to the eradication of caste-based inequality.

The turning point in his life came with his exposure to Ambedkar’s writings. Ambedkar’s emphasis on education, rationality, and social justice provided Bhagwan Das with both a framework for understanding oppression and a roadmap for liberation. Ambedkar’s call to “Educate, Agitate, Organize” became a guiding principle for his intellectual journey.¹

Influence of Dr. B. R. Ambedkar

Bhagwan Das had the rare opportunity to interact  (as Research Assistant) with Ambedkar during the latter’s lifetime. This association played a crucial role in shaping his intellectual orientation. He absorbed key elements of Ambedkarite philosophy, including:

• The primacy of liberty, equality, and fraternity
• The critique of caste as a system of graded inequality
• The importance of constitutional morality
• The need for rationalism and scientific temper

Ambedkar’s seminal work Annihilation of Caste left a lasting impact on Bhagwan Das.² It convinced him that caste was not merely a social anomaly but a deeply entrenched system requiring radical transformation.

Preservation of Ambedkar’s Writings

One of Bhagwan Das’s most significant contributions lies in his efforts to preserve Ambedkar’s intellectual legacy. After Ambedkar’s death in 1956, many of his writings were scattered and inaccessible. Bhagwan Das played a pioneering role in collecting, editing, and organizing these materials.

His work contributed to the compilation of the monumental series:

“Thus Spoke Ambedkar” Vol. I- IV

This multi-volume collection has become the primary source for scholars studying Ambedkar. Without such efforts, much of Ambedkar’s work might have remained unavailable to future generations.

Interpretation and Dissemination

Bhagwan Das was not only an archivist but also an interpreter of Ambedkar’s ideas. He sought to present Ambedkar as a comprehensive thinker whose contributions extended beyond Dalit politics to include political philosophy, economics, religion, and constitutionalism.

Through works such as Thus Spoke Ambedkar, he made Ambedkar’s ideas accessible to a broader audience. He emphasized clarity, accuracy, and fidelity, ensuring that Ambedkar’s thought was not distorted or diluted.

His efforts in translation further expanded the reach of Ambedkarite ideas across linguistic boundaries in India.

Engagement with Buddhism

A significant dimension of Bhagwan Das’s intellectual life was his engagement with Buddhism, particularly following Ambedkar’s historic conversion during the Deeksha Ceremony at Nagpur 1956 Bhagwan Das embraced and promoted Ambedkar’s reinterpretation of Buddhism, often referred to as Navayana Buddhism.

He viewed Buddhism as: A rational and ethical system, A means of achieving social equality and A foundation for moral and social transformation

Ambedkar’s The Buddha and His Dhamma served as a central text in this intellectual project.³ Bhagwan Das contributed to its interpretation and dissemination, emphasizing its relevance to contemporary struggles against caste oppression.

Role in the Ambedkarite Movement

Unlike many leaders who entered electoral politics, Bhagwan Das chose the path of intellectual activism. His role in the Ambedkarite movement can be understood through the following dimensions:

1. Intellectual Leadership

He provided theoretical clarity and direction to the movement.

2. Critique of Symbolism

He opposed the reduction of Ambedkar to mere iconography, insisting on engagement with his ideas.

3. Advocacy of Education

He emphasized education as the primary tool of liberation.

4. Defence of Ideological Integrity

He resisted attempts to dilute or misinterpret Ambedkar’s philosophy.

Core Elements of His Mission

Bhagwan Das’s life and work can be summarized through several core principles:

• Fidelity to Ambedkar’s Thought: Ensuring accurate representation of ideas
• Annihilation of Caste: Upholding caste abolition as the central goal
• Rationalism: Promoting scientific temper and rejecting superstition
• Social Democracy: Advocating equality in social and economic life
• Education as Emancipation: Viewing knowledge as the key to liberation

Recognition and Legacy

Bhagwan Das’s contributions were recognized when he was awarded the “Ambedkar Ratan” by Delhi Government.

However, his true legacy lies in his intellectual contributions. He played a crucial role in institutionalizing Ambedkarite scholarship and ensuring the preservation of Ambedkar’s writings.

Today, his work continues to serve as a foundation for scholars, activists, and students engaged in the study of social justice and caste.

Critical Evaluation

While Bhagwan Das’s contributions are immense, certain limitations can be noted. His focus on intellectual work meant limited engagement with grassroots mobilization. As a result, his influence remained stronger in academic and ideological circles than in mass politics.

However, this should not be seen as a weakness but as a reflection of his chosen role. Social movements require both intellectual and political leadership, and Bhagwan Das fulfilled the former with exceptional dedication.

Conclusion

Bhagwan Das stands as one of the most authentic representatives of Ambedkarite thought. His life demonstrates that the struggle for social justice is not only fought in the streets or in political arenas but also in the realm of ideas.

By preserving, interpreting, and disseminating the thought of B. R. Ambedkar, he ensured that Ambedkar’s vision of a just, rational, and egalitarian society continues to inspire future generations.

His mission was clear: to uphold truth, promote equality, and advance human dignity through knowledge and reason. In this sense, Bhagwan Das remains a true Ambedkarite in both spirit and practice.

References

1. Ambedkar, B. R. Annihilation of Caste. In Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings and Speeches, Vol. 1.
2. Ambedkar, B. R. The Buddha and His Dhamma. BAWS, Vol. 11.
3. Omvedt, Gail. Ambedkar: Towards an Enlightened India. New Delhi: Penguin, 2004.
4. Jaffrelot, Christophe. Dr Ambedkar and Untouchability. New York: Columbia University Press, 2005.
5. Zelliot, Eleanor. From Untouchable to Dalit. New Delhi: Manohar, 1992.
6. Rodrigues, Valerian, ed. The Essential Writings of B. R. Ambedkar. Oxford University Press, 2002.
7. Das, Bhagwan. Thus Spoke Ambedkar. New Delhi: Buddhist Publishing House.

DR. AMBEDKAR ON THE JUSTICE PARTY OF MADRAS

 

         DR. AMBEDKAR ON THE JUSTICE PARTY OF MADRAS

 

(Note: It is the historical speech of Dr. Ambedkar which discusses the reasons for the failure of the Justice Party and the shortcomings of Dravidian movement- SR Darapuri)

 

As far as I have been able to study, the advent of the Non-Brahman Party has been an event in the history of India. Many people had been able to realize that the fundamental basis of the Non-Brahman party was not the communal aspect which the word Non-Brahman indicated. No matter who ran the Non-Brahman party, whether it was what they called the intermediate class' which lay between the Brahmins at one end and the Untouchables at the other, the party could be nothing if it was not a party of democracy. Therefore, everybody who believed in democracy had a deep concern in the interests and fortunes of the party. The organisation of the Non- Brahmin party was an event in the history of the country. Its downfall was also equally an event to be remembered with a great deal of sorrow. Why the party crumbled in the 1937 elections was a question that the leaders of the party should ask themselves. After all, in Madras they had the regime of the Non-Brahmin party for practically 24 years before the election came. Then what was wrong for the Party to make it fall like a pack of cards notwithstanding the long period of office? What was it that made the party unpopular with a large majority of Non-Brahmins themselves? In my view two things were responsible for this downfall. Firstly, they had not been able to realize exactly what their differences were with Brahminical sections. Though they indulged in virulent criticism of Brahmins could any one of them say that those differences had been doctrinal. How much Brahmanism had they in them? They wore 'Namams' and regarded themselves as second class Brahmins. Instead of abandoning Brahmanism they had been holding on to the spirit of it as being the ideal they ought to reach. And their anger against Brahmins was that they (the Brahmins) gave them only a second-class degree.

How could a party take roots when its followers did not know in clear terms what were their doctrinal differences between the party to which they belonged and the party which they were asked to oppose.  So, the failure to enunciate the doctrine of differences between the Brahminical sections and Non-Brahmin one of the reasons for the downfall of the Party. The second reason for the downfall of the Party was its very narrow political programme. The party had been described by its opponents as a party of job-hunters. That was the term the 'Hindu' had often used. I do not attach much importance to this criticism; for, "If we are job-hunters, then the other side are no less than we are." One defect in the political programme of the Non-Brahmin Party had been that the party made it its chief concern to secure a certain number of jobs for their young men. That was perfectly legitimate. But did Non-Brahmin young men for whom the party fought for twenty years to secure jobs in public services remember the Party after they had received emoluments for their jobs? During the twenty years the party had been in office, it forgot the 90 percent of the Non-Brahmins living in the villages, leading an uneconomical life and getting into the clutches of the

moneylenders.

I have examined the legislations enacted during this period and except for one solitary measure of land reform, the Non-Brahmin Party never bothered about the tenants and the peasants. That was why the "Congress fellow stole their clothes quietly."

I have been greatly pained by the turn of the events. One thing I would like to impress was that a party was the only thing that would save them. A party needed a good leader, a party needed an organisation, a party needed a political platform.

But let us not be too critical about leaders. Let us look at the Congress. Who would have accepted Mr. Gandhi as a leader in any other country? He was a man who had no knowledge, no judgement. He was a man who had been a failure all his life in public life. There was no important occasion when India was about to succeed when Mr. Gandhi had brought anything good. When Mr. Jinnah raised his Pakistan issue, two or three years ago. Mr. Gandhi called it a sin and turned a deaf ear. Ultimately the Frankenstien grew. Mr. Gandhi got frightened. He was grappling with it now by making a complete somersault. Yet he continued to be the leader in this country, because the Congress did not put its leader on trial.

 Let us take the case of Mr. Jinnah. He was an autocratic leader. You will be surprised to know that the League was entirely his show. But the Musalmans had rightly placed their faith in him. The Congress knew that any charge levelled against Mr. Gandhi would mean the disruption of the organisation and so tolerated a great deal of what was inconsistent with democracy. Therefore, I would say to the Non-Brahmins, "Unity is of supreme importance. Learn the lesson before it is too late."

(Speech delivered at a luncheon party given by Mr. P. Bala Subramaniya, Editor, Sunday Observer at Connemara Hotel, Madras on 23rd Sept. 1944).

Ref. Thus Spoke Ambedkar Vol. I,  2002, Bhagwan Das, Dalit Today Prakasha, Lucknow. Pp. 107-109