Wednesday, 5 June 2019
Thursday, 14 February 2019
Reservation on Economic Basis: Apprehensions and Probabilities
SR Darapuri, I.P.S.(Retd) and Organiser, Jan Manch
Recently Bhartiy Janta Party (BJP) has got through a
bill in Lok Sabha for 10% reservation on economic basis, Constitution has been
amended and consent of the President of India has also been obtained. It is also worth mentioning that it got
support from all the political parties. The Central government has issued a
government order and states like Gujrat, Uttar Pradesh and Uttrakhand have
decided to implement it. It is also strange that one organisation of Savaranas
(higher castes) has challenged it in the Supreme Court but it has denied
stopping its operation. According to this arrangement a reservation of 10% has
been given to economically backward classes in government services and
educational institutions both government and private.
Now it is to be seen whether this step by BJP is
meant to give real benefit to the poor or it is just an attempt to influence the
poor to get their votes. It is also true that so far BJP with all its promises
and slogans like "Sab ka Saath , Sabka Vikas" ( Development of all ) has failed
to solve the problems of weaker sections of society, farmers and workers.
Against a claim of creating 2 crore jobs it could create only a few lacs of
them. Job opportunities in government
sector are shrinking and the number of unemployed is increasing every day. In these circumstances it does not appear to
be possible to provide any real benefit to the poor sections through
reservation. Hence the solution to unemployment lies in creating more jobs and
not reservation. Along with it is necessary to make right to employment a
fundamental right and also implement reservation in private sector.
Now if you look at the proposed criteria for
reservation it is very unjust and impracticable because 90% of non- Scheduled
Castes (SC) and Scheduled Tribes (ST) population will come within the income limit
of 8 lacs for whom only 10% reservation has been proposed. Similarly the limit
of 5 acres of land is also very high whereas the number of small and marginal
farmers is very large. Similarly the
criterion of house plot size is also impracticable. Now if the government
really wants to benefit the poor the income criterion of 8 lacs should be
lowered to non-income tax payers and land criterion of 5 acres should be
lowered to small and marginal farmers and low income level groups.
If we look at the constitutional aspect of the
proposed reservation, at present there is no provision for reservation on
economic basis. Even earlier whenever reservation was given on economic basis,
it was struck down by Supreme Court/High Courts. The present criterion of
social and educational backwardness is collective whereas poverty is an
individual condition. Social and educational backwardness is the result of
historical situation whereas economic backwardness is the result of wrong
economic policies of the state and is subject to change. Hence the proposed reservation
is likely to be struck down by the Supreme Court. It is significant to note
that there is a cap of 50% on upper limit of reservation. There are chances of
this reservation being rejected on this ground also.
It has also to be kept in mind that the basic
purpose of the reservation is to bring SCs/STs and Other Backward Classes at par with others classes by providing them
representation through reservation in public services, legislature and
educational institutions. It is not a poverty alleviation programme.
Reservation came into existence to provide adequate representation for
Untouchables, who were historically discriminated against. Tribals and OBCs,
who were at the bottom of the caste system, have also been granted this
benefit. There is a need to implement poverty alleviations programmes to
eradicate poverty among higher castes. But the government is continuously
decreasing the budget for welfare schemes. Hence there is a need for giving
more budgets for welfare schemes.
Dalit leaders subscribing to Dalit- Bahujan ideology
raise a demand in the name of social justice that reservation should be given
to all castes in proportion to their population. This argument is at once non-nonsensical as
reservation is not a dole which should be distributed to all. It is a process
of giving representation in the main stream to those sections of society who
have been victims of historical injustice and discrimination. It is not meant to give economic benefit to
them. Apart from it when there is an upper limit of 50% reservation how it can
be raised to 100%. Dalits are also quite apprehensive that if today reservation
is accepted on economic basis then there is the possibility of a demand for
applying it to their reservation also.
One benefit of this announcement of Modi government
has been that the basis of opposition to SC/ST and OBC reservation by higher
castes has been eroded because it has been accepted by all the classes. It has
also given justification to the reservation given so far. It has also weakened
the united opposition to reservation by the upper castes which is in the
interest of democracy.
The haste and the point of time at which Modi
government has declared reservation on economic basis, it appears to be a
political game plan. With it BJP is trying to hold on to the poorer sections of
higher castes that have been moving away from it and opposition political
parties were trying to co-opt them, but it has got a limited success in
it. On the contrary the elite class of
Savaranas (higher castes) has got angry with it because they see a danger for
them because in future the upper limit of reservation can be raised. That is
why not from any other side but “Youth for Equality” who have been opposing
reservation on caste basis has filed a writ in the Supreme Court to oppose this
reservation. If economic based reservation is not struck down by Supreme Court
it can motivate the OBCs to raise demand for increase in reservation quota in
proportion to their population.
It is also well known that reservation provides an
opportunity to the exploiting class to make inroads into the exploited classes
and creates an elite class whose class interest motivates them to absorb them
into exploiting class. It has been seen that the elite class (creamy layer)
which has emerged among Dalits and OBCs, their class interest is to take the
maximum benefit of reservation for them.
It also often comes for discussion that the benefit of reservation has
remained confined to a few families only. It is also alleged that the elite
section of these classes often oppose the relaxation of criterion like lowering
of income limit for creamy layer or giving preference to the most backward
among these classes. Savarnas often raise this demand that elite sections and
the families which have once taken the benefit of reservation should not be
further given this benefit. This demand is vehemently opposed by elite sections
of SC/Sts and OBCs. But the new reservation police is bound speed up this discussion and the demand for
equitable benefits of reservation.
From the above discussion it is clear that although
the economic based reservation declared by Modi government is more motivated by
political considerations rather than giving any real benefit to the
economically poor sections of society but still it has got many implications.
If it is not struck down by the Supreme Court it will give rise to many new
equations in the society and can weaken Savarna unity. It can also lead to
unity in self interest among elite sections of SC/ST and OBC classes against
the remaining sections of these classes. As regards political gain to BJP it
will be very limited because whereas the economically poorer sections of
Savaranas may be happy with it but at the same time higher castes of Savaranas
may be unhappy. On the whole reservation on economic basis is a new phenomenon
which will have far reaching social and political implications.
Saturday, 19 January 2019
Dr Ambedkar and Politics of Caste - Mainstream Weekly
Dr Ambedkar and Politics of Caste - Mainstream Weekly: by S.R. Darapuri Dr Ambedkar is said to be the father of Dalit politics because he was the first person to fight for the political rights of (...)
Sunday, 9 December 2018
Caste and Communal Biases in Police
Caste and Communal Biases in Police
SR Darapuri I.P.S. (Retd)
Recently a video of a police
officer from Maharashtra, Bhagyashree Navtake had gone viral wherein she is seen
bragging about how she files false cases against Dalits and tortures them and
Muslims. It represents a crude but true picture of social prejudices in India’s
police force.
After all
our police men come from the society, hence the police organisation is the true
replica of our society. It is well known that our society is divided on caste,
religion and regional lines. Therefore, when the people from the society enter
the police organisation they carry all their biases and prejudices with them.
Rather they become stronger when such persons come to occupy positions of
power. Their personal likes and dislikes; caste and communal prejudices influence
their actions very strongly. These biases are often displayed in their
behaviour and actions in situations where persons of other castes or
communities are involved.
A
situation of blatant caste discrimination came to my notice when I was posted
as Assistant Superintendent of Police (ASP) Gorakhpur in 1976. As ASP I was in
charge of Reserve Police Lines. On one Tuesday which was a Parade Day, while
taking round of Police Mess I found that some persons were taking food sitting
on the cemented tables and benches whereas some were sitting on the ground. It
struck me as odd. I called one Head Constable and enquired about this dining
situation. He told me that those sitting on the benches are high caste men and
those sitting on the ground are low caste men. I was wonder struck to see this
blatant display of caste discrimination in the Police Lines. I decided to end
this discriminatory practice. Hence on the next occasion when I noticed the
same situation I asked the police men sitting on the ground to get up and sit
on the benches. I had to repeat it once or twice and was able to discontinue
this discriminatory practice of segregated dining. Incidentally during that
very period I was asked by my boss to give a report on the observations made by
Commissioner for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes which in its report of
1974 had mentioned that there was a practice of segregated messing in Police Lines
of eastern U.P. and Bihar. I told my boss that it was true and I had abolished
this practice only recently. He told me that I should just mention that it is
not there now. I don’t know about other districts of eastern U.P. but it was abolished
by me in Gorakhpur district.
It came
into news reported sometimes back that even today the
practice of not only segregated dining but there are separate barracks for high
and low caste men in Bihar Police. It is shocking that it continues even today whereas
Commissioner for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes had pointed out this
discriminatory practice as back as 197.
Actually the police force on
account of its composition is dominated by high caste men and such
discriminatory practices continue unabated. It is only due to reservation
policy that some persons belonging to low castes especially Scheduled Castes
and Scheduled Tribes (SCs and STs) have found a place in police force which has
made the force more secular and representative. But still the caste biases are
quite strong in police men.
As we
know there have been very frequent complaints of communal bias against
Provincial Armed Constabulary in U.P. I found it to be true when I was posted
as Commandant of 34 Bn P.A.C. Varanasi in 1979. On noticing it I had to make
lot of efforts to secularise my men. I always made it a point to sermonise them
to be above caste and communal biases. I used to tell them that religion is
your personal affair and you are only police men when you put on your uniform
and are duty bound to act according to law. My constant briefing and debriefing
had very salutary effect on them and I was able to secularise my men. It came
very clear in 1991 during a communal riot situation in Varanasi. The occasion
was the General election of 1991. One retired I.P.S. officer Shri Chand Dixit
was contesting election from Varanasi city as a Vishav Hindu Parishad (VHP) candidate.
As usual VHP engineered a communal riot to keep the Muslims away from voting.
As a result curfew was imposed. News appeared in the papers that PAC men had
resorted to looting and beating up in a Muslim locality. I immediately started
making an enquiry. To my surprise I found that these were not PAC men but
Border Security Force (BSF) men who had resorted to looting, destroying
property and beating up of old men and women in the Muslim area. It shows that
communal biases exist not only in PAC men but even among Central Para Military
forces. No such complaint was received from the locality where men of my
Battalion were posted.
I have
experienced that the behaviour of lower ranks of police mainly depends on the
behaviour and attitudes of the higher officers. If higher officers have caste
and communal biases they are likely to accentuate the same among the men under
them. I have personally seen many top ranking police officers openly displaying
their caste and communal biases. What to talk of lower ranks even many I.P.S.
officers do not show any change in their attitudes towards lower castes and
other communities after such a rigorous training. Actually change of attitude
of a person is the most difficult thing because it requires a lot of effort to
relieve one of ingrained prejudices and biases. Communal biases are so often
displayed in so called terror cases where there are lot of complaints of false
implications of Muslims.
It is
also my personal experience that role model of the higher officers plays a very
important role in changing the attitudes and behaviour of lower ranks. As
mentioned earlier, as Commandant of 34 Bn PAC I continuously briefed my men to
be secular and free of caste and communal prejudices. My efforts gave a very
good result during 1992 when Ram Mandir movement was in full swing. One day
Bajrang Dal people had planned to have a demonstration. They were to collect in
the premises of famous Hanuman Mandir of Varanasi city. The administration had
planned to arrest them as soon as they came out of Mandir gate. They had put PAC men to surround the agitators
and put them in the buses. S.P. City and City Magistrate were on the spot. When
the agitators came out of gate the officers on duty ordered the PAC men to
surround them and put them in the buses. But to their utter shock PAC men did
not move at all and the agitators started moving towards the city. Then more
PAC men had to be rushed to the spot from the City Control Room. As soon as
they arrived they surrounded the agitators and put them in the buses. Thus a
possible disturbance in the city could be avoided due to the prompt action of
these PAC men. Happily these PAC men belonged to my Battalion. The other PAC
men who had refused to act belonged to another Battalion which was notorious
for indiscipline. This prompt action by my men was appreciated by district
administration and the recalcitrant PAC men were removed from the duty. The
point which I am trying to make is that leadership in a uniform force makes a
lot of difference.
As seen
from the video of the Beed I.P.S.
officer Bhagyashree Navtake, it is obvious that if officers like
her occupy a position of authority they are likely to act in a partial manner. A
constant watch needs to be kept on such officers. They should not be put on
such duties where they can display their prejudices. It is also necessary to
change the composition of police force by recruiting more men from minorities
in order to make it representative and secular. Training programmes for both
officers and men should be organised to sensitise them about SC/ST, minorities
and women issues.
Thursday, 15 November 2018
Dr. Ambedkar and Politics of Caste Identity
Dr.
Ambedkar and Politics of Caste Identity
-SR
Darapuri I.P.S.(Retd) and Organiser, Jan Manch
Dr. Ambedkar is said to be the father
of Dalit politics because he was the first person to fight for the political
rights of Dalits. He was the person who during the Round Table Conferences
(1930-32), called in connection with the framing of future constitution of
India, got the Dalits (Depressed
Classes) recognised as a minority distinct from the Hindus and got the right to
separate electorate just like Muslims, Sikhs and Anglo Indians. On the
announcement of “Communal Representation Award” in 1932, whereby the Depressed
Classes also got a right to separate electorate, Mahatma Gandhi declared to resort to fast unto
death under the plea that it will break the Hindu society whereas he had no
objection to the similar right given to Sikhs and Muslims. At last under great
pressure and to save Gandhi’s life Dr. Ambedkar had to sign the Poona Pact
whereby he had to sacrifice Dalit’s right to independent politics and agree to
joint electorate with reserved seats.
As per decision taken in the Round
Table Conference a new law named Government of India Act-1935 was enacted which
came into force in 1936. Under this Act the first election was declared to be
held in 1937. In order to participate in this election Dr. Ambedkar established
Independent Labour Party in August, 1936 which contested election on 17 seats
in Bombay Presidency and won 15 seats. After this on 19th July, 1942
he formed another party known as All India Scheduled Castes Federation (AISCF).
This party contested election held in 1946 and 1952 but lost them under the adverse
impact of Poona Pact. As a result of it Dr. Ambedkar himself lost the election
in 1952 and 1954. At last Dr. Ambedkar dissolved AISCF on 14th
October, 1956 at Nagpur and announced the formation of Republican Party of
India (RPI). He himself drafted the constitution of this party. In reality this
party came into existence on 3 October, 1957 after his death on 6th
December, 1956. According to these details Dr. Ambedkar established three
political parties during his life time. Out of these only RPI has survived but
badly fragmented.
In the present context it is to be
seen whether through these parties pursued the caste politics or politics based
on issues of different classes. It requires an in-depth analysis of agendas of
these parties established by Dr. Ambedkar.
Let us first of all see the agenda of
Independent Labour Party. Dr. Ambedkar
while enunciating the aims and objectives of this party had said,” Having
regard to the fact that the present was no time for parties communally
organised, he had in agreement with the wishes of the friends broadened the
name and the programme of the party so as to permit political co-operation between
other classes and the Depressed Classes. The nucleus of the party would still
be the 15 members of the Depressed Classes. But the members of the other
classes were free to join the party.” The manifesto of the Party included
solution to the problems of landless, poor farmers, tenants and labourers, to
re-establish old and set up new industries, consolidation of small land
holdings, expansion of technical education, state management of industries, to stop
exploitation of tenants by landlords
and expulsion there from, laws for the protection of workers, to punish every
type of orthodoxy and reaction, expansion of education with donations, to
re-plan village housing for cleanliness
in order to change their mind set and establish library, hall and cinema
house. The Party mainly emphasised on the welfare of workers and farmers. The
main effort of the Party was to educate the people in democratic methods, to
put correct ideology before them and to organise them through political
actions. Thus it is clear that party’s politics was not based on caste lines
rather it was based on common issues and Dalits were at the centre of this
party. It was opposition party in Congress government of Bombay Presidency.
During this period the party got many useful laws enacted. Due to opposition by
this Party the Industrial Dispute Bill could not be passed.
Now let us have a look at the aims,
objectives and agenda of AISCF established in 1942. By establishing this party
Dr. Ambedkar had aimed at creating a balance between Congress and Socialist
Parties. The main issues of its manifesto were: All the Indians are entitled to
equality, in favour of political, religious and economic equality for all
Indians, state responsibility to keep all Indians free from want and fear, to
protect liberty, equality and fraternity, freedom from exploitation of man by man,
class by class and nation by nation and duty of the state to protect democratic
system and under economic programme: nationalization of insurance, compulsory
insurance for all government employees and prohibition. Although under the
adverse effect of Poona Pact this party could not show much electoral victories
but still party agenda and peoples movements like land movements made the
Untouchables to organise under one flag which instilled confidence in Dalits.
From the programme of the AISCF it is clear that although Dalits were at the
centre of the party but instead of caste politics the party pursued broad
agenda based politics.
As mentioned
earlier keeping in view the changed circumstances and needs of the people Dr.
Ambedkar announced the formation of a new political party named “Republican
Party of India’ (RPI) on 14th October, 1956 at Nagpur. He himself
drafted its constitution. In establishing this party his objective was to have
a party whose aims and objectives should be in accordance with the promises
made in our constitution and to pursue their fulfilment. He did not want to it to
be a party of the Untouchables only because a party formed in the name a caste
and class cannot win power as at the most it can become a pressure group only.
The main objectives behind the formation of RPI were: (1) The inequalities
should be removed from the society so that there is no privileged and deprived
section, (2) There should be two party system: one in power and one in opposition. (3)
Equality before law and equal protection of law, (4) To establish moral values
in society, (5) Equal treatment with minorities, (6) To develop a feeling of
humanity which has been lacking in Indian society.
“In the preamble of the constitution
of the party the main aims and objectives mentioned are: To realise liberty,
equality and fraternity. The party programme was very broad. Dr. Ambedkar’s
main idea behind formation of this party was to bring minorities, poor Muslims,
poor Christians, poor and low caste Sikhs and poor class untouchables, backward
class people, aborigines and all those people who want end of exploitation,
justice and progress under one flag and protect their constitutional rights by
confronting the capitalists.” (Dalit Politics and Organisations by Bhagwan
Das).
RPI was officially established in 1957
after the parinirvaan of Babasaheb. The party contested General Elections of
1957 and 1962. In addition to Maharashtra RPI won many seats in other parts of
India. In 1957 it won 12 Lok Sabha and 29 State Assembly seats. In 1962 it won
3 Lok Sabha and 20 State Assembly seats. In 1967 it won 1 Lok Sabha and 22
State Assembly seats. It also launched struggle for land distribution,
reservation in services, minimum wages, reservation for neo-Buddhists. Persons
from Muslims, Sikhs and Jains also joined the party. Among them Rajinder Singh
Sparrow from Punjab, Dr. Abbas Malik from Delhi, Rahat Molayi, Dr. Chhedi Lal
Saathi and Nasir Ahmad from Uttar Pradesh,S.H.Ghosh from West Bengal, Rao Bahadur N. Shivraj (Madras) wee prominent persons. The
Party launched a nationwide land movement from 6th December, 1964 to
February, 1965 and more than 3 lacs of people courted arrests. The Congress
government under this pressure had to accept land distribution and all other
demands. During this period RPI emerged as a strong party of Dalits, Muslims
and Backward Classes but after 1962 the party started disintegrating. Its main
reason was that by this time RPI had become a threat to the then ruling
Congress Party. The main weakness of this party was that its membership was
mostly confined to Maharas in Maharashtra and Chamars in Uttar Pradesh. The
Congress leaders started exploiting this weakness to break it. To begin with
they enticed Dadasaheb Gayakvad and made him a Member of the Rajya Sabha. On
this point the party broke into two groups: Dadsaheb Gayakvad Group and
B.D.Khobragade Group. After this the party fragmented into groups after the
name of its leader. At present the party is divided into many factions who have
become totally ineffective. Although these faction use the name of RPI but they
have nothing to do with its agenda. Now and then they enter into alliances with
different politic parties and gain a little sometime.
After the
downfall of RPI, Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) came up in northern India which
promised to fulful
From the above analysis one thing
becomes clear that Dr. Ambedkar never favoured politics of Identity because it
strengthens casteism. It indirectly strengthens Hindutva. Dr. Ambedkar had
aimed at destroying caste and make Indian society a castless and classless
society. Whichever parties were formed by Dr. Ambedkar they were not caste
parties because their aims, objectives and agendas were broad. It is true that
Dalits were at their centre but their programmes were broad and case neutral.
They were for the upliftment of all the poor classes. So long as RPI followed
the principle of never making an alliance with orthodox Hindutva parties and
stuck to its radical agenda it succeeded in uniting Dalits, Workers and
Minorities. So long there was internal democracy in the party and it struggled
for people’s issues, it flourished. But as soon as it fell into the trap of
politics of individualism and casteism it declined.
Hence, if the present fragmented Dalit
politics is to rescued and revived it has to come out of caste politics and
adopt issue based politics. It will have to free itself from the clutches of
selfish caste leaders. Dalits should know that caste politics gives sanction to
hero worship and dictatorship. In caste politics individuals become primary and
issues become secondary. The experience so far has proved that caste politics
gives rise to caste confrontation and caste rivalry which is an obstacle in the
unity of the castes. That is why many small sub-castes of Dalits have joined
hands with BJP in reaction against bigger sub-castes which is a big danger for
unity of Dalits. Hence in the face of this danger it is necessary that Dalits should
revaluate their political parties and political leaders. They should get rid
themselves of these divisive forces and adopt a pro-people, progressive and
issue based politics. In fact our country now does not need casteist political
parties but a united anti-caste alliance. Otherwise castes will get
strengthened which nurtures politics of religion which is the biggest danger
for democracy.
x
Wednesday, 7 November 2018
Sunday, 14 October 2018
A Brief History of Republican Party of India’s Success Journey
A Brief History
of Republican Party of India’s Success Journey
(RPI formed by Dr. Ambedkar was in
second position in India from 1957-1967)· * Founder: Dr. Babasaheb Bhimrao Ambedkar
* Date of establishment: 30th
September, 1956 (Delhi)
·
Open declaration: 3rd
October, 1957 (Nagpur)
·
National President: Rao Bahadur N.
Shivraj (Madras)
·
Working President: Barrister Rajabhau
Khobragadhe (Maharashtra)
Members: B.K.
Gaikwad, B.C. Kamble, H.D. Awle, R.D.
Bhandare (Maharashtra), Dutta Katti, Armugam (Karnataka), Ishwaribai, Sunder
Rajan (Andhra Pradesh), Channan Ram (Punjab), B.P. Maurya (Uttar Pradesh)
·
People who were elected to Lok Sabha in
1957
·
Total number of Members of Parliament-
12
·
MPs on Reserve Seats: 1) Dutta Katti (Mysore) 2) Rao Bahadur N.
Shivraj (Madras), 3) B.K. Gaikwad (Nasik) 4) B.C. Kamble (Ahmednagar) 5) B.G.
Salunke (Poona) 6) Karsandas Pramar (Ahmadabad, Gujarat), 7) Harihar Rao Sonule
(Nadedh), 8) S.K. Dighe (Kohlapur), 9) G.K. Mane (Bombay), 10) Kajrolkar
(Bombay).
In addition to this two MPs were elected from General
Seats.
·
Vidhan Sabha Seats:
Total 29 Members of Legislative Assemblies (MLAs).
Maharashtra:
(16)- 1) R.D. Bhandare (Bombay), 2) G.B. Kamble
(Ratnagiri), 3) J.T. Bhatankar (Bombay). 4) A.G. Ladhe (Poona), 5) P.T. Madhale
(South Satara), 6) Dr. Bandisod (Satara), 7) R.D. Pawar (Ahmednagar), 8) Tanaji
Gaikwad (Kolaba), 9) D.S. Shirke (kohlapur), 10) P.H. Boria (Bombay), 11) T.R.
Kankal (Vidharbha), 12) A.G. Pawar, 13) Chaure, 14) Kamble, 15) Patne, 16)
Shambharkar.
Punjab:
(5)-
1) Karam Chand, 2) Babu Ram, 3) Bhagat Singh, 4) Ishwar Singh, 5) Indar Singh
(General Caste).
Madras: 3
Karanataka:
(2)- 1)
Adimulam, 2) R. Mugam
Andhra
Pradesh: (1) - Anatiya
Gujarat:
(1)
With
the help of these MLAs, Barrister Rajabhau Khobragade was elected as Member of Rajya
Sabha in 1958.
The
total number of the votes scored was about 21, 73,000.
In
1962, the following representatives were elected:-
·
Lok Sabha (3 MPs)- 1)
B.P. Maurya (U.P.), 2) Sanghpriya Gautam (U.P.), 3) Muzaffar Hussein (U.P.)
·
Vidhan Sabha (20 MLAs)-
Uttar Pradesh (10)
- Dr. Chhedi Lal Saathi, 2) Dr. Prakash and others.
Maharashtra (3)- 1) D.P.
Meshram, 2) Sangludhkar, 3) Shambharkar
Punjab (5), Madhya
Pradesh (1), Andhra Pradesh (1)
Total votes secured in 1962 were 32,21,000.
RPI
representatives elected in 1967
·
Lok Sabha (1)- Ramji Ram
(Uttar Pradesh).
·
Vidhan Sabha (22)-
Uttar
Pradesh
(8)
- 1) Asrad, 2) Ahmed 3) Shamim Alam and others
Maharasthra (5), Punjab
(3), Haryana (2), Andhra Pradesh (2), Karnataka (1), Bihar
(1)- Shri Lal
Total votes secured by RPI were 36, 76,000.
In
this way RPI formed by Dr. Ambedkar was in second position in India from
1957-1967. Not only this, it was a powerful opposition party. In those days
this party had major support from Samta Sainik Dal (SSD) which had people from
SC, ST, OBCs and minority communities ‘karamcharis’ (workers).
During
1958-59 it was a united movement of farmers, agricultural labourers and
educated youth. That is why this organization had actively taken part in united
Maharashtra movement resulting in formation of Maharashtra state on 1st
May, 1960.
On 6th
December, 1964, RPI had organized a nationwide Satyagraha for land. In this
more than 3,70,000 satyagrahis were arrested by the government and 13 died. As
a result of this, Congress government was forced to distribute 2,00,000 acres
of land to landless people. In 1972, Barrister Raja Bhau Khobragade, MP of RPI,
had demanded in Lok Sabha the distribution of land to the landless by imposing
a ceiling of 20 acres on agricultural land holding. As a result, PM Ms. Indira
Gandhi passed Ceiling Act in the Parliament and land over the ceiling limit was
distributed to landless.
During
the famine in Maharashtra in 1971, RPI had organized ‘Dharna’ (Morcha) on the
Government and administrative offices and forced the government to start work
in the famine stricken areas. Not only this Mahatma Phule, Anna Bhau Sathe,
Vasant Rao Naik ‘Maha Nigams’ were formed and forced government to start
various projects for the farmers and landless
labourers resulting in everybody (common man) getting right of living
(support for living).
In
1977, recommendations were made by Mandal Aayog to implement reservations and
scholarships for OBCs. And in the whole country Buddhists were to be given
reservations also (part of recommendations). For these demands 1,00,000 members
of RPI got themselves arrested as a result, during the period of V.P. Singh’s
government in 1990. Central government gave acceptance to Mandal Commission’s
Recommendations. And in 1999, during the time of BJP, Prime Minister Atal
BIhari Vajpayee, a fascist circular was issued to start Sanskrit and Astronomy
in the curriculum which was strongly opposed by RPI from Taluka level onwards.
As a result BJP PM Atal Bihari Vajpayee was forced to withdraw this ‘fatwa’.
This effectively saved the future generation of India from falling prey to
blind faith. In these days only BJP PM Atal Bihari Vajpayee has constituted ‘Venkatachaliah
Commission’ to review the Constitution which was a non-constitutional committee
and to oppose this RPI came on the streets and carried out demonstrations
fiercely. A Samvidhan Jan Chetna Rally, a march on foot, was organized from
Chaitya Bhoomi, Mumbai to Diksha Bhoomi, Nagpur (about 1500km distance) by
National Governor of SSD Advocate Vimal Surya Chimankar to bring consciousness
among people.
In case of any atrocities against Dalits and
oppressed, minority communities, RPI workers came on roads, worked hard and at
times even lost their lives in the struggle. Since RPI is an Ambedkarite ‘Jan
Chetna’, whenever there were atrocities against the depressed classes they
fought fearlessly like for the Riddles in Hinduism book
issue
in 1987, Reservation in 1977, Renaming of Marathwada University in 1988, Issue
of Ghatkopkar in 1997 or Khairlanji in 2006. All these issues were fought by
RPI and looking at this power of RPI, Congress was able to break RPI by showing
‘carrots’ to the leaders of RPI. Since then till now, Congress party which is a
single family party continued to rule for a longer time. During this time, BJP
started their efforts to bring Brahmanical order in government and they made
Kanshi Ram, a Dalit Leader, to break RPI by sending BAMCEF. On 6th
December, 1978, he was made the president of BAMCEF and in 1984 he established
BSP and diverted RPI votes towards his party. That is how Mayawati became the
CM of UP. Today Congress is conspiring to destroy Parliamentary democracy by
bowing down before Anna Hazare and for this they are supported by BJP, BSP and
SP. If they succeed in this, there are full chances of having a dictatorship in
this country. This is the time, it is important for RPI to unite because the
aims and objectives of RPI are best but it is beneficial for humanity. No
constitution of any party includes the human values of Equality, Freedom,
Fraternity and Justice included in the Preamble of the Constitution written by
Dr. Ambedkar.
Similarly, the right to equal justice, self-discipline itself, equality, equal, equal opportunity,
freedom from slavery, hunger, fear is contained in the Constitution of
RPI party of Dr. Ambedkar only. Democracy remains intact due to these elements.
That is why; if we want to save the democracy we will have to strengthen RPI.
Adv. Vimalsurya Chimankar,
Governor Organiser,
Samta Sainik Dal.
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