What were Dr. Ambedkar's apprehensions about the fate of Christians in free India How far they have come true?
- SR Darapuri, National President, All India Peoples Front
Dr. B.R. Ambedkar's Apprehensions About the Fate of Christians in India
Dr. Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar, the architect of India's Constitution and a fierce critic of caste-based oppression, expressed deep concerns about the future of Christianity in India during a pivotal speech to Indian Christians in Sholapur (now Solapur) on January 1, 1938. At the time, Ambedkar was actively exploring religious alternatives for Dalits (then called "Untouchables") as a means of escaping Hindu caste hierarchies, and he seriously considered Christianity alongside Buddhism and Islam. However, his praise for Jesus Christ as a revolutionary figure promoting equality, liberty, and fraternity was tempered by sharp critiques of how Christianity had adapted (or failed to adapt) to India's social realities.
Ambedkar's apprehensions were not abstract theological debates but practical warnings rooted in his observations of caste persistence, missionary shortcomings, and the political naivety of Indian Christians. He feared that without structural changes, Christians—particularly Dalit converts—would remain marginalized, their conversions offering spiritual solace but little social or political liberation. Key apprehensions included:
1. Persistence of Caste Within and Outside the Church: Ambedkar worried that Christianity would import or retain caste divisions, leaving Dalit converts as "untouchables" even after baptism. He noted that higher-caste Christians often discriminated against Dalit newcomers, mirroring Hindu prejudices, while Hindus continued to shun all Christians as "polluted." In his speech, he lamented: "The Indian Christian is a disjointed—it is a better word than disunited—society... The converts from the Untouchables are looked down upon by the converts from the higher classes." He personally experienced this when a Christian acquaintance in Baroda refused him lodging due to his Dalit status, despite the host's conversion. Without dismantling caste, Ambedkar predicted, Christianity would fail to integrate Dalits into a truly egalitarian society.
2. Vulnerability Due to Lack of Political Engagement: Ambedkar's core fear was that Christians' apolitical stance would doom their institutions and community to irrelevance. He observed that despite high education levels—producing nurses, teachers, clerks, and officers—Christians were "inconspicuous" in public life, with "not a single Christian in the High Court, not a single Christian in the District Court, not a single Christian in the Collectorate." He warned: "It is difficult for any institution to survive without political support," urging agitation for rights like scholarships, which Dalit Christians lost upon conversion without protest. In contrast, he praised illiterate Dalits for mobilizing politically to secure legislative seats and hostels, asking Christians: "Your society is so much educated, how many are District judges or magistrates? I tell you; this is because of your neglect towards politics."
3. Missionary Focus on Conversion Over Emancipation: Ambedkar criticized missionaries for prioritizing baptisms over "political rights" and social justice, stating they "feel they have done their duty when they convert an untouchable to Christianity" but ignore post-conversion injustices. He feared this would leave Dalit Christians dependent on foreign aid, unable to challenge the "Brahmanical Social Order" (BSO), and ultimately segregated like historical Buddhists.
These views influenced Ambedkar's ultimate choice of Buddhism in 1956, as it seemed better suited to Indian soil without the baggage of foreign institutional hierarchies.
How Far Have These Apprehensions Come True?
Ambedkar's predictions have proven prescient, especially in the post-Independence era amid rising Hindu nationalism (Hindutva) and entrenched caste dynamics. While Indian Christians (about 2.3% of the population, or ~28 million as per the 2011 Census) have made strides in education and urban professions, systemic vulnerabilities persist and have worsened in recent decades. Here is an assessment:
Apprehension | Current Status | Extent Realized
Caste Persistence: Dalit Christians (over 70% of the community) face "double discrimination". They are shunned by Hindus and marginalized within churches, where upper-caste (Syrian or "forward" caste) Christians control leadership and resources. Separate burial grounds, segregated seating, and denial of sacraments for Dalit converts are documented. Conversion also strips Dalits of affirmative action benefits (e.g., reservations in jobs/education), unlike Buddhists. Dr. Ambedkar’s apprehension has largely come true as Caste endures, fueling internal church schisms and external hostility. Ambedkar's fear of superficial integration is evident.
Lack of Political Engagement/Representation: Christians hold low parliamentary seats: ~3.5% in the opposition INDIA bloc (8 MPs from 235 seats) and even less in the ruling BJP-led NDA (~2%). No major national Christian-led party exists, and Dalit Christians are underrepresented in state politics. Anti-conversion laws in 11 states (e.g., Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh) target Christian outreach, often without due process. Recent elections (2024) brought slight relief by curbing BJP's majority, but Christians mobilized through prayer and voting blocs rather than independent power. As such Ambedkar’s apprehension has come mostly true: Neglect of politics has left the community "spectral" and reactive, as Ambedkar warned, exacerbating vulnerabilities.
Vulnerability to Injustices/Persecution: Attacks on Christians surged 550% from 2014–2024, averaging 2 per day in 2024 alone— including church burnings, assaults on clergy, and village boycotts (e.g., an 8-month boycott in Chhattisgarh in 2025). Hindutva groups like RSS/VHP frame Christians as "foreign" threats, echoing Ambedkar's BSO concerns. Missionary-led education persists but faces funding cuts and vigilantism. As such Ambedkar’s apprehension has come Fully True: Without political muscle, institutions teeter; Ambedkar's "survival without support" prophecy rings true amid state complicity in some cases.
In summary, Ambedkar's apprehensions have materialized to a significant degree, particularly for Dalit Christians, who remain educationally advanced yet politically sidelined and socially besieged. The rise of Hindutva since the 1990s has amplified these risks, turning his 1938 warnings into a stark reality. However, glimmers of agency—such as interfaith Dalit solidarity and electoral mobilization—suggest paths forward if Christians heed his call for political agitation.
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