Caste and Communal Biases in Police

Caste and Communal Biases in Police

SR Darapuri I.P.S. (Retd)

Recently a video of a police officer from Maharashtra, Bhagyashree Navtake had gone viral wherein she is seen bragging about how she files false cases against Dalits and tortures them and Muslims. It represents a crude but true picture of social prejudices in India’s police force.

After all our police men come from the society, hence the police organisation is the true replica of our society. It is well known that our society is divided on caste, religion and regional lines. Therefore, when the people from the society enter the police organisation they carry all their biases and prejudices with them. Rather they become stronger when such persons come to occupy positions of power. Their personal likes and dislikes; caste and communal prejudices influence their actions very strongly. These biases are often displayed in their behaviour and actions in situations where persons of other castes or communities are involved. 

A situation of blatant caste discrimination came to my notice when I was posted as Assistant Superintendent of Police (ASP) Gorakhpur in 1976. As ASP I was in charge of Reserve Police Lines. On one Tuesday which was a Parade Day, while taking round of Police Mess I found that some persons were taking food sitting on the cemented tables and benches whereas some were sitting on the ground. It struck me as odd. I called one Head Constable and enquired about this dining situation. He told me that those sitting on the benches are high caste men and those sitting on the ground are low caste men. I was wonder struck to see this blatant display of caste discrimination in the Police Lines. I decided to end this discriminatory practice. Hence on the next occasion when I noticed the same situation I asked the police men sitting on the ground to get up and sit on the benches. I had to repeat it once or twice and was able to discontinue this discriminatory practice of segregated dining. Incidentally during that very period I was asked by my boss to give a report on the observations made by Commissioner for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes which in its report of 1974 had mentioned that there was a practice of segregated messing in Police Lines of eastern U.P. and Bihar. I told my boss that it was true and I had abolished this practice only recently. He told me that I should just mention that it is not there now. I don’t know about other districts of eastern U.P. but it was abolished by me in Gorakhpur district.

It came into news reported sometimes back that even today the practice of not only segregated dining but there are separate barracks for high and low caste men in Bihar Police. It is shocking that it continues even today whereas Commissioner for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes had pointed out this discriminatory practice as back as 197. Actually the police force on account of its composition is dominated by high caste men and such discriminatory practices continue unabated. It is only due to reservation policy that some persons belonging to low castes especially Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (SCs and STs) have found a place in police force which has made the force more secular and representative. But still the caste biases are quite strong in police men.

As we know there have been very frequent complaints of communal bias against Provincial Armed Constabulary in U.P. I found it to be true when I was posted as Commandant of 34 Bn P.A.C. Varanasi in 1979. On noticing it I had to make lot of efforts to secularise my men. I always made it a point to sermonise them to be above caste and communal biases. I used to tell them that religion is your personal affair and you are only police men when you put on your uniform and are duty bound to act according to law. My constant briefing and debriefing had very salutary effect on them and I was able to secularise my men. It came very clear in 1991 during a communal riot situation in Varanasi. The occasion was the General election of 1991. One retired I.P.S. officer Shri Chand Dixit was contesting election from Varanasi city as a Vishav Hindu Parishad (VHP) candidate. As usual VHP engineered a communal riot to keep the Muslims away from voting. As a result curfew was imposed. News appeared in the papers that PAC men had resorted to looting and beating up in a Muslim locality. I immediately started making an enquiry. To my surprise I found that these were not PAC men but Border Security Force (BSF) men who had resorted to looting, destroying property and beating up of old men and women in the Muslim area. It shows that communal biases exist not only in PAC men but even among Central Para Military forces. No such complaint was received from the locality where men of my Battalion were posted.

I have experienced that the behaviour of lower ranks of police mainly depends on the behaviour and attitudes of the higher officers. If higher officers have caste and communal biases they are likely to accentuate the same among the men under them. I have personally seen many top ranking police officers openly displaying their caste and communal biases. What to talk of lower ranks even many I.P.S. officers do not show any change in their attitudes towards lower castes and other communities after such a rigorous training. Actually change of attitude of a person is the most difficult thing because it requires a lot of effort to relieve one of ingrained prejudices and biases. Communal biases are so often displayed in so called terror cases where there are lot of complaints of false implications of Muslims.

It is also my personal experience that role model of the higher officers plays a very important role in changing the attitudes and behaviour of lower ranks. As mentioned earlier, as Commandant of 34 Bn PAC I continuously briefed my men to be secular and free of caste and communal prejudices. My efforts gave a very good result during 1992 when Ram Mandir movement was in full swing. One day Bajrang Dal people had planned to have a demonstration. They were to collect in the premises of famous Hanuman Mandir of Varanasi city. The administration had planned to arrest them as soon as they came out of Mandir gate.  They had put PAC men to surround the agitators and put them in the buses. S.P. City and City Magistrate were on the spot. When the agitators came out of gate the officers on duty ordered the PAC men to surround them and put them in the buses. But to their utter shock PAC men did not move at all and the agitators started moving towards the city. Then more PAC men had to be rushed to the spot from the City Control Room. As soon as they arrived they surrounded the agitators and put them in the buses. Thus a possible disturbance in the city could be avoided due to the prompt action of these PAC men. Happily these PAC men belonged to my Battalion. The other PAC men who had refused to act belonged to another Battalion which was notorious for indiscipline. This prompt action by my men was appreciated by district administration and the recalcitrant PAC men were removed from the duty. The point which I am trying to make is that leadership in a uniform force makes a lot of difference.

As seen from the video of the Beed  I.P.S. officer Bhagyashree Navtake, it is obvious that if officers like her occupy a position of authority they are likely to act in a partial manner. A constant watch needs to be kept on such officers. They should not be put on such duties where they can display their prejudices. It is also necessary to change the composition of police force by recruiting more men from minorities in order to make it representative and secular. Training programmes for both officers and men should be organised to sensitise them about SC/ST, minorities and women issues.  

Marx And Ambedkar: Bridging The Rift – Countercurrents

Marx And Ambedkar: Bridging The Rift – Countercurrents

B R Ambedkar: India and Communism – Countercurrents

B R Ambedkar: India and Communism – Countercurrents

https://countercurrents.org/2018/08/b-r-ambedkar-india-and-communism/

Dr. Ambedkar and Politics of Caste Identity

                                                Dr. Ambedkar and Politics of Caste Identity

                                                -SR Darapuri I.P.S.(Retd) and Organiser, Jan Manch

Dr. Ambedkar is said to be the father of Dalit politics because he was the first person to fight for the political rights of Dalits. He was the person who during the Round Table Conferences (1930-32), called in connection with the framing of future constitution of India,  got the Dalits (Depressed Classes) recognised as a minority distinct from the Hindus and got the right to separate electorate just like Muslims, Sikhs and Anglo Indians. On the announcement of “Communal Representation Award” in 1932, whereby the Depressed Classes also got a right to separate electorate,  Mahatma Gandhi declared to resort to fast unto death under the plea that it will break the Hindu society whereas he had no objection to the similar right given to Sikhs and Muslims. At last under great pressure and to save Gandhi’s life Dr. Ambedkar had to sign the Poona Pact whereby he had to sacrifice Dalit’s right to independent politics and agree to joint electorate with reserved seats.

As per decision taken in the Round Table Conference a new law named Government of India Act-1935 was enacted which came into force in 1936. Under this Act the first election was declared to be held in 1937. In order to participate in this election Dr. Ambedkar established Independent Labour Party in August, 1936 which contested election on 17 seats in Bombay Presidency and won 15 seats. After this on 19^th July, 1942 he formed another party known as All India Scheduled Castes Federation (AISCF). This party contested election held in 1946 and 1952 but lost them under the adverse impact of Poona Pact. As a result of it Dr. Ambedkar himself lost the election in 1952 and 1954. At last Dr. Ambedkar dissolved AISCF on 14^th October, 1956 at Nagpur and announced the formation of Republican Party of India (RPI). He himself drafted the constitution of this party. In reality this party came into existence on 3 October, 1957 after his death on 6^th December, 1956. According to these details Dr. Ambedkar established three political parties during his life time. Out of these only RPI has survived but badly fragmented.

In the present context it is to be seen whether through these parties pursued the caste politics or politics based on issues of different classes. It requires an in-depth analysis of agendas of these parties established by Dr. Ambedkar.

Let us first of all see the agenda of Independent Labour Party.  Dr. Ambedkar while enunciating the aims and objectives of this party had said,” Having regard to the fact that the present was no time for parties communally organised, he had in agreement with the wishes of the friends broadened the name and the programme of the party so as to permit political co-operation between other classes and the Depressed Classes. The nucleus of the party would still be the 15 members of the Depressed Classes. But the members of the other classes were free to join the party.” The manifesto of the Party included solution to the problems of landless, poor farmers, tenants and labourers, to re-establish old and set up new industries, consolidation of small land holdings, expansion of technical education, state management of  industries, to stop

exploitation of tenants by landlords and expulsion there from, laws for the protection of workers, to punish every type of orthodoxy and reaction, expansion of education with donations, to re-plan village housing for cleanliness  in order to change their mind set and establish library, hall and cinema house. The Party mainly emphasised on the welfare of workers and farmers. The main effort of the Party was to educate the people in democratic methods, to put correct ideology before them and to organise them through political actions. Thus it is clear that party’s politics was not based on caste lines rather it was based on common issues and Dalits were at the centre of this party. It was opposition party in Congress government of Bombay Presidency. During this period the party got many useful laws enacted. Due to opposition by this Party the Industrial Dispute Bill could not be passed.

Now let us have a look at the aims, objectives and agenda of AISCF established in 1942. By establishing this party Dr. Ambedkar had aimed at creating a balance between Congress and Socialist Parties. The main issues of its manifesto were: All the Indians are entitled to equality, in favour of political, religious and economic equality for all Indians, state responsibility to keep all Indians free from want and fear, to protect liberty, equality and fraternity, freedom from exploitation of man by man, class by class and nation by nation and duty of the state to protect democratic system and under economic programme: nationalization of insurance, compulsory insurance for all government employees and prohibition. Although under the adverse effect of Poona Pact this party could not show much electoral victories but still party agenda and peoples movements like land movements made the Untouchables to organise under one flag which instilled confidence in Dalits. From the programme of the AISCF it is clear that although Dalits were at the centre of the party but instead of caste politics the party pursued broad agenda based politics.

As mentioned earlier keeping in view the changed circumstances and needs of the people Dr. Ambedkar announced the formation of a new political party named “Republican Party of India’ (RPI) on 14^th October, 1956 at Nagpur. He himself drafted its constitution. In establishing this party his objective was to have a party whose aims and objectives should be in accordance with the promises made in our constitution and to pursue their fulfilment. He did not want to it to be a party of the Untouchables only because a party formed in the name a caste and class cannot win power as at the most it can become a pressure group only. The main objectives behind the formation of RPI were: (1) The inequalities should be removed from the society so that there is no privileged and deprived section, (2) There should be two party system:  one in power and one in opposition. (3) Equality before law and equal protection of law, (4) To establish moral values in society, (5) Equal treatment with minorities, (6) To develop a feeling of humanity which has been lacking in Indian society.

“In the preamble of the constitution of the party the main aims and objectives mentioned are: To realise liberty, equality and fraternity. The party programme was very broad. Dr. Ambedkar’s main idea behind formation of this party was to bring minorities, poor Muslims, poor Christians, poor and low caste Sikhs and poor class untouchables, backward class people, aborigines and all those people who want end of exploitation, justice and progress under one flag and protect their constitutional rights by confronting the capitalists.” (Dalit Politics and Organisations by Bhagwan Das).

RPI was officially established in 1957 after the parinirvaan of Babasaheb. The party contested General Elections of 1957 and 1962. In addition to Maharashtra RPI won many seats in other parts of India. In 1957 it won 12 Lok Sabha and 29 State Assembly seats. In 1962 it won 3 Lok Sabha and 20 State Assembly seats. In 1967 it won 1 Lok Sabha and 22 State Assembly seats. It also launched struggle for land distribution, reservation in services, minimum wages, reservation for neo-Buddhists. Persons from Muslims, Sikhs and Jains also joined the party. Among them Rajinder Singh Sparrow from Punjab, Dr. Abbas Malik from Delhi, Rahat Molayi, Dr. Chhedi Lal Saathi and Nasir Ahmad from Uttar Pradesh,S.H.Ghosh from West Bengal, Rao Bahadur N. Shivraj (Madras) wee prominent persons. The Party launched a nationwide land movement from 6^th December, 1964 to February, 1965 and more than 3 lacs of people courted arrests. The Congress government under this pressure had to accept land distribution and all other demands. During this period RPI emerged as a strong party of Dalits, Muslims and Backward Classes but after 1962 the party started disintegrating. Its main reason was that by this time RPI had become a threat to the then ruling Congress Party. The main weakness of this party was that its membership was mostly confined to Maharas in Maharashtra and Chamars in Uttar Pradesh. The Congress leaders started exploiting this weakness to break it. To begin with they enticed Dadasaheb Gayakvad and made him a Member of the Rajya Sabha. On this point the party broke into two groups: Dadsaheb Gayakvad Group and B.D.Khobragade Group. After this the party fragmented into groups after the name of its leader. At present the party is divided into many factions who have become totally ineffective. Although these faction use the name of RPI but they have nothing to do with its agenda. Now and then they enter into alliances with different politic parties and gain a little sometime.

After the downfall of RPI, Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) came up in northern India which promised to fulful

From the above analysis one thing becomes clear that Dr. Ambedkar never favoured politics of Identity because it strengthens casteism. It indirectly strengthens Hindutva. Dr. Ambedkar had aimed at destroying caste and make Indian society a castless and classless society. Whichever parties were formed by Dr. Ambedkar they were not caste parties because their aims, objectives and agendas were broad. It is true that Dalits were at their centre but their programmes were broad and case neutral. They were for the upliftment of all the poor classes. So long as RPI followed the principle of never making an alliance with orthodox Hindutva parties and stuck to its radical agenda it succeeded in uniting Dalits, Workers and Minorities. So long there was internal democracy in the party and it struggled for people’s issues, it flourished. But as soon as it fell into the trap of politics of individualism and casteism it declined.

Hence, if the present fragmented Dalit politics is to rescued and revived it has to come out of caste politics and adopt issue based politics. It will have to free itself from the clutches of selfish caste leaders. Dalits should know that caste politics gives sanction to hero worship and dictatorship. In caste politics individuals become primary and issues become secondary. The experience so far has proved that caste politics gives rise to caste confrontation and caste rivalry which is an obstacle in the unity of the castes. That is why many small sub-castes of Dalits have joined hands with BJP in reaction against bigger sub-castes which is a big danger for unity of Dalits. Hence in the face of this danger it is necessary that Dalits should revaluate their political parties and political leaders. They should get rid themselves of these divisive forces and adopt a pro-people, progressive and issue based politics. In fact our country now does not need casteist political parties but a united anti-caste alliance. Otherwise castes will get strengthened which nurtures politics of religion which is the biggest danger for democracy. 

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Bhagavan Das « Karthik Navayan

Bhagavan Das « Karthik Navayan

The historian of ‘his people'

The historian of ‘his people'

A Brief History of Republican Party of India’s Success Journey

A Brief History of Republican Party of India’s Success Journey

^{(RPI formed by Dr. Ambedkar was in second position in India from 1957-1967)}·          * Founder: Dr. Babasaheb Bhimrao Ambedkar

*       Date of establishment: 30^th September, 1956 (Delhi)

·         Open declaration: 3^rd October, 1957 (Nagpur)

·         National President: Rao Bahadur N. Shivraj (Madras)

·         Working President: Barrister Rajabhau Khobragadhe (Maharashtra)

         Members: B.K. Gaikwad,  B.C. Kamble, H.D. Awle, R.D. Bhandare (Maharashtra), Dutta Katti, Armugam (Karnataka), Ishwaribai, Sunder Rajan (Andhra Pradesh), Channan Ram (Punjab), B.P. Maurya (Uttar Pradesh)

          

·         People who were elected to Lok Sabha in 1957

·         Total number of Members of Parliament- 12

·         MPs on Reserve Seats:  1) Dutta Katti (Mysore) 2) Rao Bahadur N. Shivraj (Madras), 3) B.K. Gaikwad (Nasik) 4) B.C. Kamble (Ahmednagar) 5) B.G. Salunke (Poona) 6) Karsandas Pramar (Ahmadabad, Gujarat), 7) Harihar Rao Sonule (Nadedh), 8) S.K. Dighe (Kohlapur), 9) G.K. Mane (Bombay), 10) Kajrolkar (Bombay).

In addition to this two MPs were elected from General Seats. 

·         Vidhan Sabha Seats: Total 29 Members of Legislative Assemblies (MLAs).

Maharashtra:  (16)- 1) R.D.  Bhandare (Bombay), 2) G.B. Kamble (Ratnagiri), 3) J.T. Bhatankar (Bombay). 4) A.G. Ladhe (Poona), 5) P.T. Madhale (South Satara), 6) Dr. Bandisod (Satara), 7) R.D. Pawar (Ahmednagar), 8) Tanaji Gaikwad (Kolaba), 9) D.S. Shirke (kohlapur), 10) P.H. Boria (Bombay), 11) T.R. Kankal (Vidharbha), 12) A.G. Pawar, 13) Chaure, 14) Kamble, 15) Patne, 16) Shambharkar.

Punjab: (5)- 1) Karam Chand, 2) Babu Ram, 3) Bhagat Singh, 4) Ishwar Singh, 5) Indar Singh (General Caste).

Madras: 3

Karanataka: (2)- 1) Adimulam, 2) R. Mugam

Andhra Pradesh: (1) - Anatiya

Gujarat: (1)

With the help of these MLAs, Barrister Rajabhau Khobragade was elected as Member of Rajya Sabha in 1958.

The total number of the votes scored was about 21, 73,000.

 

In 1962, the following representatives were elected:-

 

·         Lok Sabha (3 MPs)- 1) B.P. Maurya (U.P.), 2) Sanghpriya Gautam (U.P.), 3) Muzaffar Hussein (U.P.)

·         Vidhan Sabha (20 MLAs)-

Uttar Pradesh (10) - Dr. Chhedi Lal Saathi, 2) Dr. Prakash and others.

Maharashtra (3)- 1) D.P. Meshram, 2) Sangludhkar, 3) Shambharkar

Punjab (5), Madhya Pradesh (1), Andhra Pradesh (1)

Total votes secured in 1962 were 32,21,000.

 

RPI representatives elected in 1967 

                           

·         Lok Sabha (1)- Ramji Ram (Uttar Pradesh).

·         Vidhan Sabha (22)-

Uttar Pradesh (8) - 1) Asrad, 2) Ahmed 3) Shamim Alam and others

Maharasthra (5), Punjab (3), Haryana (2), Andhra Pradesh (2), Karnataka (1), Bihar (1)- Shri Lal

Total votes secured by RPI were 36, 76,000.

In this way RPI formed by Dr. Ambedkar was in second position in India from 1957-1967. Not only this, it was a powerful opposition party. In those days this party had major support from Samta Sainik Dal (SSD) which had people from SC, ST, OBCs and minority communities ‘karamcharis’ (workers).

During 1958-59 it was a united movement of farmers, agricultural labourers and educated youth. That is why this organization had actively taken part in united Maharashtra movement resulting in formation of Maharashtra state on 1^st May, 1960.

On 6^th December, 1964, RPI had organized a nationwide Satyagraha for land. In this more than 3,70,000 satyagrahis were arrested by the government and 13 died. As a result of this, Congress government was forced to distribute 2,00,000 acres of land to landless people. In 1972, Barrister Raja Bhau Khobragade, MP of RPI, had demanded in Lok Sabha the distribution of land to the landless by imposing a ceiling of 20 acres on agricultural land holding. As a result, PM Ms. Indira Gandhi passed Ceiling Act in the Parliament and land over the ceiling limit was distributed to landless.

During the famine in Maharashtra in 1971, RPI had organized ‘Dharna’ (Morcha) on the Government and administrative offices and forced the government to start work in the famine stricken areas. Not only this Mahatma Phule, Anna Bhau Sathe, Vasant Rao Naik ‘Maha Nigams’ were formed and forced government to start various projects for the farmers and landless  labourers resulting in everybody (common man) getting right of living (support for living).

In 1977, recommendations were made by Mandal Aayog to implement reservations and scholarships for OBCs. And in the whole country Buddhists were to be given reservations also (part of recommendations). For these demands 1,00,000 members of RPI got themselves arrested as a result, during the period of V.P. Singh’s government in 1990. Central government gave acceptance to Mandal Commission’s Recommendations. And in 1999, during the time of BJP, Prime Minister Atal BIhari Vajpayee, a fascist circular was issued to start Sanskrit and Astronomy in the curriculum which was strongly opposed by RPI from Taluka level onwards. As a result BJP PM Atal Bihari Vajpayee was forced to withdraw this ‘fatwa’. This effectively saved the future generation of India from falling prey to blind faith. In these days only BJP PM Atal Bihari Vajpayee has constituted ‘Venkatachaliah Commission’ to review the Constitution which was a non-constitutional committee and to oppose this RPI came on the streets and carried out demonstrations fiercely. A Samvidhan Jan Chetna Rally, a march on foot, was organized from Chaitya Bhoomi, Mumbai to Diksha Bhoomi, Nagpur (about 1500km distance) by National Governor of SSD Advocate Vimal Surya Chimankar to bring consciousness among people.

 In case of any atrocities against Dalits and oppressed, minority communities, RPI workers came on roads, worked hard and at times even lost their lives in the struggle. Since RPI is an Ambedkarite ‘Jan Chetna’, whenever there were atrocities against the depressed classes they fought fearlessly like for the Riddles in Hinduism book issue in 1987, Reservation in 1977, Renaming of Marathwada University in 1988, Issue of Ghatkopkar in 1997 or Khairlanji in 2006. All these issues were fought by RPI and looking at this power of RPI, Congress was able to break RPI by showing ‘carrots’ to the leaders of RPI. Since then till now, Congress party which is a single family party continued to rule for a longer time. During this time, BJP started their efforts to bring Brahmanical order in government and they made Kanshi Ram, a Dalit Leader, to break RPI by sending BAMCEF. On 6^th December, 1978, he was made the president of BAMCEF and in 1984 he established BSP and diverted RPI votes towards his party. That is how Mayawati became the CM of UP. Today Congress is conspiring to destroy Parliamentary democracy by bowing down before Anna Hazare and for this they are supported by BJP, BSP and SP. If they succeed in this, there are full chances of having a dictatorship in this country. This is the time, it is important for RPI to unite because the aims and objectives of RPI are best but it is beneficial for humanity. No constitution of any party includes the human values of Equality, Freedom, Fraternity and Justice included in the Preamble of the Constitution written by Dr. Ambedkar.

Similarly, the right to equal justice, self-discipline itself, equality, equal, equal opportunity, 

freedom from slavery, hunger, fear is contained in the Constitution of 

RPI party of Dr. Ambedkar only. Democracy remains intact due to these elements.

That is why; if we want to save the democracy we will have to strengthen RPI.  

Adv. Vimalsurya Chimankar,

Governor  Organiser,

Samta Sainik Dal.,

Nagpur  

The Conspiracy After The Terror – BeyondHeadlines

The Conspiracy After The Terror – BeyondHeadlines

Petition · Punish the offenders for burning Indian Constitution · Change.org

Petition · Punish the offenders for burning Indian Constitution · Change.org

Scaling up the fight - Frontline

Scaling up the fight - Frontline

Opposition Parties joining to defeat BJP lack Alternate Policies

SR Darapuri I.P.S. (Retd) Organiser, Jan Manch  

 BJP’s chain of defeat which started with Gorakhpur and Phoolpur in Uttar Pradesh bye elections has extended to defeat in Kairana and Noorpur. It has broken the invincibility myth of Modi and Amit Shah.  If the opposition parties succeed in joining hands to get rid of unprecedented danger to basic democratic values, institutions, society, culture and civilization created during four years Modi rule, it will definitely be good for the country and democracy. But will it bring ‘Good Days’ for the public?

These parties and the ensuing alliance does not have any solution for the problems of starving farmers and the agriculture crisis, what are policies for giving employment to jobless youth, betterment of exploited classes: Dalits, Backwards, Adivasis and the women ? The picture on this front is very hopeless.

During ten years of UPA rule under the leadership of Congress anti-people policies were forced on the country. Modi government which came into power by benefitting from the public anger against these policies is speedily pushing forward the same economic and industrial policies. The crisis in public life is deepening and the deceptive Modi image created by media is fast getting shattered on the ground. The divisive tactics adopted by Modi-RSS combine to send the basic questions concerning various classes of society to the background are failing to create popular public opinion.

It is obvious that the crisis is structural and neo-liberal new economic–industrial policies have aggravated it further. Congress has not given indication to withdraw from these anti-people policies and all of us have seen how much humanitarian was Manmohan Singh’s liberalisation with a ‘Humane Face’. 

The other regional parties which have been part of UPA are also followers of the same policies. Ajit Singh himself has been in the Cabinet. It appears to be an Uttar Pradesh centred phenomenon only . SP and BSP have been supporting UPA-2 from outside. Their state governments did not remain behind in supporting the new economic-industrial policies. Now if they succeed in 2019, the situation will not even be like UPA-1 where New Economic Policies were slowed down under the influence of Left parties, some welfare schemes had to be launched and the public got some respite. It will be an extension of UPA-2. There will be no check on anti-people policies and not much relief can be expected for the public.

At the national level the situation is similar to UPA-1. CPM has refused to have any political alliance with Congress. The so called “BJP Harao Gathbandhan” (Defeat BJP Alliance) is dependent on Uttar Pradesh only where Samajvadi Party (SP) and Bahujan Smaj Party (BSP) have been supporting UPA government from outside. But now are moving forward towards an alliance for Lok Sabha election in spite of being staunch opponents in state politics. The alliance of these parties to defeat BJP is without any political-ideological commitment and it appears to be more an effort to save their own existence

From the defeat of BJP in bye elections it has become clear that formation of SP-BSP alliance in UP based on big social base is proving to be heavy for BJP’s election power base and BJP is not in a position to counter it immediately. But SP-BSP alliance’s biggest weakness is its silence on public issues and absence of announcement of any pro-people agenda.

The people will not usher in “Good Days” simply by removing Modi from power. With an aim to defeat BJP the Powers of Movements and People’s Democratic forces along with Congress, SP and BSP alliance should raise public issues and should put forward a strong demand for withdrawal of anti people neo-liberal economic and industrial policies.

  

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The Atrocities of Nationalism Offer History Lessons Beyond Bhima Koregaon - The Wire

K. R. Narayanan | The Independent

K. R. Narayanan | The Independent

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 How was Hinduism Studied?: Reviewing Old Scholarship | Pratap Penumala - Academia.edu

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 When Did Buddhism Become Anti-Brahmanical? The Case of the Missing Soul. | Joseph Walser - Academia.edu

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Jogendra Nath Mandal: Chosen by Jinnah, banished by bureaucracy - Blogs - DAWN.COM

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The Two Faces of Hindutva’s Dalit Agenda - The Wire

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Dalit Panthers : An Authoritative History - Book Review

Dalit Panthers : An Authoritative History -Book Review

                                                                                  

J V Pawar,  Dalit Panthers : An Authoritative History ,Translated from Marathi by  Rakshit Sonawane, Forward Press / The Marginalised, IGNOU Road, New Delhi-110068, ISBN 978-93-87441-0(Paperback); 978-93-87441-05-7(Hardback), pp  246, Price Rs. 500

Harnam Singh Verma

Arranged in very short 50 chapters, this is a book that tells the tale of  Dalit Panthers by J V Pawar, someone who was its General Secretary and pivotal  organizer of all Dalit Panther actions, and who kept meticulous records of Dalit Panther events. These 50 chapters are also not vey long as is the case with the celebrated  historical treatises of noted Indian  and foreign historians.

As is well –known, the Dalit Panthers was formed by  Raja  Dhale, Namdev Dhasal and J V Pawar on 29 May,1972 and  just after its national attention –catching tumultuous journey  in Mahashtra,it was disbanded on 7 March,1977. It was a militant Dalit movement that attracted world-wide attention and carried  the erstwhile Ambedkarite movement  from passive resistance to inequality, atrocities, violence and exploitation of the Dalits to a new militant level where they  began taking appropriate  corrective actions  without waiting for the  unwilling government machinery to redress them .  The sub-title of the book  deems it as an ‘authoritative history’ of Dalit Panther movement. However, Pawar  himself states in the Preface that it is a ‘sketchy history’. On the basis of an objective assessment, Pawar’s account is both ‘sketchy’ as well as ‘authoritative’ ! It is authoritative in terms of details of events, specific participants in them and the elaborate description of nuts and bolts of their organization and outcomes, changing configurations of its organizational journey. Dhale and Dhasal  have also written  their versions of Dalit Panthers’ history but they lack  objective descriptions of the organization as well as its programmes during its short-lived existence. Pawar is  dead right when he states that only three  Dalit Panthers , Raja Dhale, Namdev Dhasal, and he himself, could have written its history. It so happens that all three have written this tumultuous history, and their accounts , but when compared , are  found to be often at variance with each other. I would agree with Pawar that he has the best credentials  to claim the adjective “authoritative” for his history of the Dalit Panthers since he was its Secretary, kept all the records, was organizing most of the consequential events, and compared to  highly emotional  and  often irresponsible Dhale and Dhasal ,was the more down to earth operative  of the Dalit Panthers.

The back page jacket of the book has assessments of Anand Teltumbde, Bhau Torsekar, Shahir Sambhaji Bhagat, Yogesh Maitreya. Neelkanth Khadilkar, Avinash Dolas, and Raja Dhale, and each one of them attests the credentials of Pawar to write Dalit Panther history authoritatively. However,  my review is my own assessment that is unaffected by these opinions. After reading the book carefully, I would say that the book is “authoritative” in  detailing –not analyzing--what it covers but there are obvious and  far too many gaping holes.  I would not enumerate them all but give  example of one significant one. One such gaping hole for example does not cover one of the significant contributions of the Dalit Panthers, namely starting and developing a Dalit tradition of literature in Marathi in Maharaashtra which rubbed off its sheen on literary Dalits active in languages such as Hindi to produce an alternate view of the Dalits and their socio-economic-cultural- political existence! In Pawar’s personal and Dalit Pathers’ context ,this is all the more galling omission since  apart from Raja Dhale and Namdev Dhasal, Pawar himself was  a leading  Dalit literary figure who brought out outstanding  Dalit literary output that debunked  the mainstream Marathi literary view of the empirical  reality in Maharashtra. That this is indeed so  is very competently analyzed by Eleanor Zilliot in her book, From the Untouchable to the Dalit, especially  when juxtaposed with mainstream Marathi literature, how Dalit literary view depicts an altogether new and far more truer  perspective of  Dalit literature, culture, art and   history! Pawar mentions Eleaner Zilliot in his narrative  all right but  conveniently  forgets to record the conclusions of  her analysis dealing with the contribution of   Dalit Panther literature  in developing a Dalit view of social reality  of Dalits in Maharashtra and how it is different from the mainstream Marathi literary works!

 Pawar’s history of Dalit Panthers is  detailed descriptive account of the  post-Ambedkar context in which the movement burst on the political  turf of Maharashtra. Pawar identifies two major causes of the birth of the Dalit Panthers as an organization: the unwillingness of the Government of Maharashtra to take any concrete steps to redress the grievances of the Dalits, and  no  decisive attempt by  the  Republican Party of India  to fight for Dalit causes due to its split in to various factions to enjoy   the crumbs of power  conferred by the Congress rulers. Informed readers know that in spite of the foregoing, unlike the ground reality of the Dalits in  most other states, Maharashtra’s  society possessed what Harish Wankhede(  Return to a  Radical Past : Bhima-Koregaon Protests Reflected Acts that Define Dalit Consciousness And Its Agenda, The Indian Express, 17 January,2018 ) calls Ambedkar Civil Society  consisting of numerous NGOs, cultural fronts, social cooperatives, Buddhist faith- based organizations and other self motivated groups, which functioned  along with many intellectual forums, social activists and students’ organizations to propagate the ideas of Ambedkar. Even Wankhede does not label it correctly.  In fact Maharashtra possessed Bahujan Civil Society and-not only Dalit Civil Society- that included the other deprived sections of the  society like the OBCs and the Scheduled Tribes. Pawar  certainly refers to them in his 50 short chapters of  history of Dalit Panthers but appears to downplay their contributory role in the success of the Dalit Panthers. In fact, as Wankhede states  this Ambedkar Civil Society has continued to function effectively even  after the  disbanding of the Dalit Panthers  in 1975 as for example  seen in 2017 episode at Bhima Koregaon . It has carved an independent space in the socio-cultural domain without directly attaching itself to political fronts. These engage in independent acts of Dalit/ Bahujan resistance in the social sphere  in an arena of conflict between the proponents of the Brahminical Hindu social order and defenders of social equality. Thus,  the  Dalit civil society  was present in the post –split period of the Republican Party of India as it is today in the post- Dalit Panthers era and subsequent to its disintegration in 1975 :  it  had distanced  itself from  the political milieu and  is engages in transformative social change periodically . Pawar mentions their contribution in his narrative throughout  but  does not prominently  acknowledge their role in  contributing  to the success of  the Dalit Panthers. As Harish Wankhede  argues, it is these everyday social ,cultural and intellectual activisms that define Dalit consciousness and its agenda today. The Dalit protests on the streets of Maharashtra testify that the Dalit movement has retained its radical and progressive character against all odds (and despite absence of militant organizations like the Dalit Panthers of the mid 1970s).

Pawar’s history of Dalit Panthers has elaborate detailing of important Dalit Panther events but not necessarily in either logical or historical sequence. However,it is honest, fairly self-critical participative account outlining of birth and development, functioning of the Dalit Panthers movement, its inherent organisational, and operational weaknesses including individual whims and fancies of its important pall bearers. What comes out of his account is the repetitive, and painful story of very strong , potent  ,and pulsating movements succeeding in the shortest possible term but also disintegrating in short time span. The Dalit Panthers movement had all elements of empowerment and yet did not sustain itself despite enormous goodwill even from segments such as the  OBCs and the tribal deprived . It shows  the contrasts   of short –period success of a militant outfit like Dalit  Panther  in the socio-political terrain of Maharashtra and  that  of a far more politically broad-based movement of BSP   on one hand in the 1990s and the  still birth of Bhim Army in  UP in 2017 where a civil society of all three deprived sections of the society is still non-existent!

Pawar’s Dalit Panthers history, although decidedly authoritative looked at from one viewpoint, is incomplete once a comprehensive overall view of Dalit Panther movement is taken, and  the book must be read in conjunction with the  similar accounts separately brought out by Pawar as well as other Dalit Panther notables. Pawar himself has authored some  aspects of accounts of the Dalit Panthers movement  like the contribution of Dalit  Panthers literary output  in separate writings . Since these are not included in this book,  it  must be read  along with writings of Pawar, and fellow Dalit Panther notables like Raja  Dhale and Namdev Dhashal on the one hand  and  analyses of noted researchers like Eleanor Zilliot, Gail Omvedt, and Anupama Rao.

Pawar’s book is an honest, fairly self-critical participative account outlining of birth and development, functioning of the Dalit Panthers movement, its inherent structural, and operational weaknesses including individual whims and fancies of its important pall bearers. Raja Dhale and Namdev Dhasal in their accounts of Dalit Panther movement have shown excessive emphasis on their own role; they have even not been truthful in some of their descriptions. Pawar is just the opposite: unlike Dhale and Dhasal, he has  been self critical and has acknowledged his mistakes! And it goes without saying that no one—including  Anupma Rao,  Gail Omvedt and Eleanor Zealot-- has Pawar’s depth and specification.

Pawar’s book is not analytical : it is descriptive, episode by episode, quite often not arranged  in sequential in its narrative  : it is not history in the styles of say historians like BB Mishra. However, I am not inclined to term his book lacking analytical rigour. It is deliberately written in a very simple language.  I know that Pawar  has been a notable literary figure in Marathi literature  whose poetry has been outstanding exhibit of rich Marathi  literary expression. This book does not reflect that literary genre. It is written in low key  language that a typical Maharashtrian uses in his day-to-day life!  What he has done is writing people’s history for people’s  consumption! However, this history, although decidedly authoritative looked at from one viewpoint, is incomplete once a comprehensive overall view of Dalit Panther movement is taken ,and must be read in conjunction with the   similar accounts separately brought out by other Dalit Panther notables. Raja  Dhale and Namdev Dhashal on the one hand  and  analyses of noted researchers like Ellinear Zilliot, Gail Omvedt, Anupama Rao and Shoorykaant Waghmore on the Dalit Panther movement.

 Given the detailed auto-ethnographic character of Pawar’s history of Dalit Panthers, its price tag of Rs 500 for a 246 page book  fixed by the  Forward Press/ The Marginalised is surely is very reasonable. Had it been published by upstream publishers like international publishing firms such as  Holt Rhinehart, OUP,   Sage , and McMillans it would have been not less than Rs. 1000! This is my sincere hope that the Forward Press/The Maginalised would also bring out  its Hindi version  shortly.

                                                      (Posted on the FB on 21 January,2018)                                                                                                              

{ Copy Right: 2018: Harnam Singh Verma, C/O Neeta Verma, Piaggio Residential Colony, R-2, MIDC, Baramati-413133(Pune): Email: vhsbbk42@gmail.com:  phone: 08756894213 }

(After reading the Book review, the author,JV Pawar spoke  to the reviewer  personally on 23 January ,2018)

SC/ST Act: Court Ruling Will Have Chilling Effect on Reporting Crimes Against Dalits - The Wire

SC/ST Act: Court Ruling Will Have Chilling Effect on Reporting Crimes Against Dalits - The Wire

BJP Ruled States Outdo Others in Crime against Dalits

BJP Ruled States Outdo Others in Crime against Dalits

-SR Darapuri, I.P.S.(Retd) and Organiser, Jan Munch Uttar Pradesh

It has again come up prominently in National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) “Crime in India-2016” Report that BJP ruled States outdo other states in atrocities against Dalits (Scheduled Castes). The same scenario was during 2015 also. At present BJP ruled states are Gujrat, Rajsthan, Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh, Haryana, Chhatisgarh, Goa and Jharkhand where Dalit atrocities cases are more than non-BJP ruled states. This situation exposes Modi’s show of abundant sympathy and love for Dalits. Apart from it,  there are some other states like Orissa, Andhra Pradesh, Telangana, Uttar Pradesh and Bihar where Dalit atrocities are also higher than National Rate (Crime per one lac population). 

Total Crime against Dalits during 2016

During this period the total number was 40,801 which exceeds the figure of 38,670 (during 2015) by 2,131. As such there has been an increase of 5.5% over the last year’s figure. During 2016 the National Average i.e. crime against one lac Dalit population was 20.3. Among these figures the number of cases relating to outraging the modesty was 3,172 which was 7.7% of total crime against Dalit women. Similarly the total number of Rape cases was 2,541 which is 6.2% of total crime against Dalits.

Similarly during 2016 the total of crime against Scheduled Tribes (Tribals) was 6,568 which was 4.7% more than the crime figures of 2015. There were 974 Rape cases on Tribal women which is 14.8% of total crime committed against Tribal women. The cases relating to outraging the modesty of Tribal women were 835 which was 12.7% of total crime. Thus it becomes clear that Dalit/Tribal women are not safe under BJP rule.

If we look at the number and rate of incidence of crime against Dalits in BJP ruled states it transpires that Madhya Pradesh stands first where the number of crimes was 5,134 and the crime rate was 42.0 which is just double of National Rate of 20.3. Similarly Rajsthan with total crime figure of 5,134 and crime rate of 42.0% which is again double of National crime rate stands second. After it Goa stands third with the crime rate of 36.7. Gujrat stands 5^th with the crime rate of 32.3 which is just 1-1/2 times of National Crime Rate.  From it, it becomes clear that in most of the states ruled by BJP the rate of incidence of crime against Dalits and Tribals is much higher than the National Crime Rate.  

Crime wise State position is as follows:-

1. Murder: During the above period the crime figure of murder of Dalits was 786 and the rate per 1 lac population was 0.4%.  Gujrat where 35 Dalits were murdered in 32 cases with 0.8 crime rate stood first in whole of the country. After this Madhya Pradesh with 81, Haryana with 34 and Uttar Pradesh with 274 murders in 271 cases with crime rate of 0.7 stood second. Rajsthan with 67 murders in 66 cases with crime rate of 0.5 occupied 5^th position. From it, it transpires that the incidence of the crime of murder against Dalits in BJP states is higher than national rate.  

2. Attempt to Murder: During the above period the total incidence of this crime in the whole country was 732 and the rate per lac was 0.4. In this crime Rajsthan with 106 and Gujrat with 35 cases with crime rate of 0.9 which is just double of National rate stood first.  Maharashtra with crime figure of 60 which affected 71 persons and crime rate of 0.5 is higher than the national rate. It makes it very clear that Dalits are not safe in BJP ruled states.   

3. Grievous Hurt: During 2016 there were 1,070 cases in the whole country in which 1,148 Dalits were grievously hurt and the national rate was 0.5. This rate in Gujrat was 1;6,  1.5 in Bihar, 1.3 in Orissa, 1.0 in Kerala and 0.8 in Madhya Pradesh which is much higher than the national rate.

4. Crime of Attempt to Outrage the modesty of Dalit Women: During this period the total number of cases under this category was 3,172 and the national rate was 1.6. Under this head the rate of incidence of crime in Madhya Pradesh was 6.0, 3.6 in Andhra Pradesh, 2.7 in Maharashtra, 2.0 in Haryana and 0.6 in Gujrat showing that this rate is higher than the national rate.

5. Crime of outraging the modesty of Dalit women: Under this head the total incidence of crime in the country was 1,268 and the national average was 0.6. The rate of this crime in Madhya Pradesh was 3.6, 1.1 in Chhatisgarh, and 1.3 in Maharashtra, 0.8 in Rajsthan, 0.7 Haryana and 0.6 in Gujrat which is higher than the national average.  

6. Rape: Under this head total number of cases of Rape of Dalit women was 2,536 in which 2,540 Dalit women were victims and the national average was 1.3. The rate of incidence of this crime was 4.7 in Kerala, 3.9 in Madhya Pradesh, 2.9 in Chhatisgarh, 2.7 in Rajsthan, 1.9 in Haryana and 1.7 in Maharashtra which is much higher than the national rate.  In fact rape is used as a weapon to demoralise the Dalits.

7. Crime under SC/ST Prevention of Atrocities Act: The total incidence of crime under this head was 35,676 in which 36,855 persons were affected and the national rate was 18.0 per 1 lac population. The rate of this crime was 43.4 in Madhya Pradesh, 41.1 in Rajsthan, 32.9 in Bihar, 28.4 in Gujrat, 25.0 in Orissa, 23.7 in Kerala, 22.6 in Uttar Pradesh which is much higher than national rate of 18.0.

From the above analysis it is clear that most of the BJP ruled states are ahead of non-BJP ruled states in crime against Dalits and Tribals.  These statistics show that Modi’s slogan of “Sabka Saath, Sabka Vikaas” and show of his love and sympathy stands exposed. The recent incident of attack on Dalits in Koregaon also exposes the hypocrisy of BJP.