Friday, 1 May 2026

Dr. Ambedkar's Historical Role in Labour Welfare

Dr. Ambedkar's Historical Role in Labour Welfare 

SR Darapuri, National President, All India Peoples Front

(special on 1 May International Workers Day)

Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar played a foundational and often underappreciated role in shaping labour welfare policy in modern India. His contributions were not limited to constitutional ideals but extended deeply into practical labour reforms during his tenure as Labour Member in the Viceroy’s Executive Council (1942–1946). His work laid the groundwork for many rights and protections that Indian workers continue to benefit from today.

1. Institutional and Policy Leadership

As Labour Member under British India, Ambedkar was effectively the Labour Minister. In this capacity, he transformed labour governance from a colonial, exploitative framework into a more welfare-oriented system. He emphasized the need for state intervention to protect workers from unregulated capitalism.

He was instrumental in strengthening the International Labour Organization framework within India, aligning Indian labour policies with international standards.

2. Reduction of Working Hours

One of Ambedkar’s most significant achievements was the introduction of the 8-hour workday in India. Before this reform, industrial workers often laboured for 12–14 hours a day under harsh conditions.

This reform brought India in line with global labour standards and marked a major shift toward humane working conditions.

3. Social Security Measures

Ambedkar strongly believed that political democracy must be accompanied by economic security. He advocated for and initiated several social security measures, including:

Maternity benefits for women workers, Compensation for workplace injuries and Provident fund schemes

These measures later influenced legislation such as the Employees' State Insurance Act, 1948 and the Employees' Provident Funds and Miscellaneous Provisions Act, 1952.

4. Protection of Women Labour

Ambedkar was a strong advocate for gender justice in labour. He introduced policies ensuring:

Paid maternity leave, Restrictions on underground work for women in mines and Equal wages and improved working conditions

His approach was progressive for its time and aligned with his broader vision of social justice.

5. Trade Union Rights and Industrial Relations

Ambedkar recognized the importance of collective bargaining and supported the growth of trade unions. He worked toward:

Legal recognition of Trade Unions, Mechanisms for industrial dispute resolution and Promotion of tripartite labour conferences (government, employers, workers)

His efforts helped institutionalize dialogue and reduce industrial conflict.

6. Minimum Wages and Fair Conditions

Although the Minimum Wages Act, 1948 was enacted after independence, Ambedkar’s ideas significantly influenced its framework. He consistently argued that labour is not a commodity and must be compensated fairly to ensure a dignified life.

7. Labour Welfare Funds and Housing

Ambedkar advocated for welfare funds to support workers’ housing, health, and education. He emphasized that industrial development must include provisions for workers’ well-being beyond the workplace.

. Constitutional Vision for Labour Welfare

As Chairman of the Drafting Committee of the Indian Constitution, Ambedkar embedded labour welfare into the Directive Principles of State Policy (Article: 39, 41, 42 and 43), including:

Right to work, Just and humane conditions of work, Living wage and Public assistance in cases of unemployment, sickness, and old age

These principles reflect his belief that democracy must ensure social and economic justice.

9. Broader Philosophical Contribution

Ambedkar’s labour philosophy was rooted in dignity, equality, and social justice. Influenced by thinkers like Karl Marx but distinct in approach, he rejected violent revolution and instead advocated constitutional methods for achieving labour rights.

Conclusion

Dr. Ambedkar’s contribution to labour welfare was transformative. He shifted the focus from mere economic productivity to human dignity and social justice. Many of the labour protections in contemporary India trace their origins to his vision and policy initiatives.

He exhorted the workers to unite not only to fight for Workers Rights but also to unite to win political power.

His work reminds us that labour welfare is not just an economic issue but a moral and constitutional imperative central to a just society.

Thursday, 30 April 2026

Bengal Elections 2026: Why Political Parties are Averse to the Dalit Question

 

Bengal Elections 2026: Why Political Parties are Averse to the Dalit Question

Subhajit Naskar

Such a narrative is rooted in denial of social recognition of Tapashilis, who are categorised as Scheduled Caste (SC) and their historically transformative anti-caste politics in undivided Bengal.

Even the social justice icon Dr B R Ambedkar is not celebrated in the state beyond the few assertive independent Dalit groups while he is duly acknowledged with remarkable state honours in rest of the country. If selective amnesia had not engulfed the Bengali upper caste “bhadraloks” at large, it wouldn't be tough to remember Ambedkar's long association with Bengal. It was his All India Scheduled Castes Federation (AISCF), whose Bengal branch was headed by Jogendranath Mandal, a prominent leader from SC community in 20th century Bengal.

The association of Mandal with Ambedkar grew so unwaveringly loyal that, in 1946, Ambedkar turned to Bengal to be elected to the Constituent Assembly of India. Mandal and six other Dalit MLAs of the Bengal legislative assembly secured the seat for him. Ambedkar later went on to be the chairman of Constitution Drafting Committee. The glorious role of Bengal and its autonomous Dalit leadership in sending the main architect of Indian Constitution to the Constituent Assembly is today grossly erased institutionally. The caste question and Ambedkarite politics too, despite its powerful legacy in Bengal, is relegated to the background through coercion and social misrecognition.

Bengal has sixty constitutionally recognised scheduled caste communities, which is 23.51% of state’s total population according to the 2011 Census. Bengal comes second after Punjab among Indian States in size of Dalit population. And yet, the question of Dalit political aspirations and substantive caste representation doesn't find any resonance in the Bengal assembly elections. At the same time, the Dalit factor is one of the driving factors in every Punjab assembly election.

Interestingly, 19th and early 20th century's popular historiography of Bengal was largely shaped by majoritarian Hindu upper caste supremacism camouflaged as nationalist movement and deeply influenced by ''practicing Hindu rituals and glorification of Hindu kings''. Sumanta Banerjee in his book 'Unravelling the Bengali Identity' writes, how the Bengali upper caste hindu intellectuals of the 19th century tended to put emphasis on the Brahminical, Sanskrit oriented elements in that culture, while the same century had contemporaneously witnessed Dalits’ progressive assertions against upper caste Bengali bhadraloks’ caste supremacism.

Dalit assertions in Bengal

From early 19th century onwards, a host of Dalit social reformers started challenging the blatant casteism of Brahminical Bengali bhadraloks. In fact, the absence of Dalit sensibilities in Bengali nationalists' anti colonial struggle had been looked at with suspicion by Dalit political leadership. Harichand Thakur (1812-1878), Benimadhab Halder (1858-1923), Panchanan Barma (1866-1935), Raicharan Sardar (1876-1942), Mahendranath Karan (1886-1928), Guruchand Thakur (1846-1937), Anukul Chandra Das Naskar (1894-1947), Basanta Kumar Das (1898-1984), Rajendranath Sarkar (1903-1979) are some of anti-caste stalwarts being pushed out of the mainstream by the Bengali upper caste historiographers.

The hostility of Bengali upper caste bhadralok intellectuals towards the Dalit reformist movement against casteism is a well calculated move to sustain the former's complete social and political dominance in post-colonial Bengal. The Hindu Mahasabha, Communists and Congress in undivided Bengal were deeply antagonistic towards autonomous Dalit politics. The political parties in post-colonial Bengal have also retained the narrative of Bengali exceptionalism entrenched in castelessness that depoliticised Dalit social and political aspirations in contemporary Bengal.

It is a well concerted effort of the upper-caste political class of Bengal to sustain complete political dominance of Brahmins, Baidyas and Kayastha bhadraloks. The possibilities of Ambedkarite Dalit autonomous politics once launched by Jogendranath Mandal remains a perpetual threat to the Right, Left and Centrist political forces. Therefore, radical Dalit political consciousness observed in Maharashtra, Uttar Pradesh and some pockets of Southern India are consciously suppressed in the mainstream Bengali polity, society and academia.

Bengal: A caste conscious society

A Pratichi India Trust report of 2005 studied ''Cooked Mid-day Meal Programme in West Bengal - A study in Birbhum district'' found out explosive caste bias among the Caste Hindu Savarna Parents and their children’s attitudes towards marginalised caste students and Dalit mid-day meal cooks. The study has shown how Dalit and Adivasi students benefited immensely from mid-day meal scheme but the upper-caste students disliked the scheme while their parents had reservations about Dalit cooks cooking the mid day meal.

In fact. the practicing of endogamy is also high in West Bengal, with inter-caste marriages being very low in the state, a fact that doesn't sit well with its progressive claims. A mere 9.5% of the marriages happening in the state are inter-caste. The social backwardness of Bengali Dalit communities due to upper-castes’ hegemony is so stark that the state has never thought of implementing Scheduled caste special component plan like other states such as Andhra Pradesh, Telangana, and Karnataka.

It is only recently, that the the huge deletion of Dalit voters in Bengal through the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) exercise the of Election Commission of India (ECI) prompted the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) top leadership of prime minister Narendra Modi and home minister Amit Shah to pacify them with the promise of citizenship and restoring their names once they come to power in the state. The Trinamool Congress (TMC) has since last few years started the corporate style 'Tapashilir Sanglap'(interaction with the Scheduled Castes) outreach campaign during election season, which is purely an electoral connect programme with Dalits.

Even though the BJP is very careful this time in addressing the Scheduled Castes of Bengal, they are trying to broadly mobilise the Hindu vote bank cutting across the castes. The communal campaign around 'ghuspaithiye' (infiltrators) is very willfully advanced by the BJP to mobilise and appropriate Dalits so that independent Dalit political agency never grows in Bengal.

The 2026 Bengal election is fought on high communal pitch so that the Dalit questions of representation and marginalities do not get any mainstream political recognition. There is a broad consensus among the Bengali upper caste bhadraloks of the Left, Right and Centre that Dalit aspirations and autonomous Dalit politics should not re-emerge.

Subhajit Naskar is a Political Scientist, who teaches at Jadavpur University.

Courtesy: The Wire 

Link of English write up: https://m.dailyhunt.in/news/india/english/the+wire+english-epaper-wireng/bengal+elections+2026+why+political+parties+are+averse+to+the+dalit+question-newsid-n710277313

Dr. Ambedkar's Historical Role in Labour Welfare

Dr. Ambedkar's Historical Role in Labour Welfare   SR Darapuri, National President, All India Peoples Front (special on 1 May Inte...