Sunday, 24 May 2026

Why Neo-Buddhists must Register their Caste in Caste Census 2027?

Why Neo-Buddhists must Register their Caste in Caste Census 2027?

        SR Darapuri I.P.S.(Retd)

HEALING HUMANITIES BEYOND BOUNDARIES - MINDS newsletter

Neo-Buddhists in India are being urged to register both their religion as Buddhism and their original Scheduled Caste (SC) identity in the proposed Caste Census 2027 because, under Indian constitutional law, many affirmative-action benefits are linked not merely to religion, but to legally recognized Scheduled Caste status.

The issue arises from the peculiar historical and constitutional position of Neo-Buddhists—especially those who converted to Buddhism following B. R. Ambedkar’s mass conversion movement of 1956.

Here are the main reasons:

1. SC Benefits Are Constitutionally Linked to Specific Communities

Under the Constitution (Scheduled Castes) Order, 1950, Scheduled Caste status was originally restricted to Hindus. It was later extended to Sikhs (1956) and Buddhists (1990). Thus, Dalits who converted to Buddhism retained eligibility for SC reservations and protections.

Recent Supreme Court judgments have reaffirmed that only Hindus, Sikhs, and Buddhists can legally claim SC status.

Therefore, Neo-Buddhists must continue to identify their SC origin in official records to remain within the constitutional framework of reservations.

2. Religion Alone Does Not Automatically Preserve Reservation Entitlements

If a person records only “Buddhist” in census documents without indicating the corresponding Scheduled Caste background, there is concern that the state machinery may statistically classify them merely as “general Buddhists” rather than as SC Buddhists or Neo-Buddhists.

This could affect:

Reservation statistics, allocation of welfare funds, political representation, scholarship quotas, recruitment rosters and future policy calculations.

This concern was explicitly raised recently by Union Minister Ramdas Athawale, who argued that Neo-Buddhists should be counted as Buddhists by religion but also retain their SC caste identification during Census 2027.

3. Census Data Shapes Future Reservation Policy

Caste census data is not merely descriptive; it influences:

Reservation distribution, delimitation debates, welfare targeting, social justice commissions and population-based policy claims.

If Neo-Buddhists are undercounted within the SC category, the recorded SC population may decline artificially in states like Maharashtra, where large numbers embraced Buddhism after Ambedkar’s movement.

Thus, many Ambedkarite organizations view caste registration not as acceptance of caste ideology, but as a strategic legal necessity within India’s reservation system.

4. The Contradiction Between Buddhist Philosophy and State Policy

This issue also reflects a deep philosophical contradiction.

Buddhism rejects caste hierarchy. Ambedkar embraced Buddhism precisely to escape caste oppression. Yet the Indian state continues to administer affirmative action through caste categories inherited from Hindu social history.

Consequently, Neo-Buddhists face a dilemma:

Spiritually rejecting caste while legally needing caste identification for social justice protections.

Many Ambedkarite thinkers therefore distinguish between:

Caste as a social evil, and caste identity as a constitutional category for reparative justice.

5. Why This Debate Has Intensified Before Census 2027

The 2027 Census is expected to include detailed caste enumeration for the first time since 1931 on a national scale. This has revived debates about:

Dalit identity after religious conversion, constitutional safeguards and the future of reservation politics.

The concern among Neo-Buddhist groups is practical:
if caste is not correctly recorded now, future governments may later argue that Neo-Buddhists constitute a separate religious category rather than a Scheduled Caste beneficiary group.

Conclusion

Neo-Buddhists are therefore being advised to register their caste in Census 2027 not because Buddhism endorses caste, but because India’s constitutional system of reservations and safeguards still operates through Scheduled Caste classification.

For many Ambedkarites, this is viewed as a temporary historical necessity:

caste identity is retained legally while caste ideology is rejected morally and spiritually.

This tension between emancipation from caste and dependence on caste-based constitutional protections remains one of the central paradoxes of modern Indian democracy and social justice policy.

 

Why the Indian Police Is Often Viewed as Brutal, Corrupt, Communal, Casteist, and Violative of Human Rights

 

Why the Indian Police Is Often Viewed as Brutal, Corrupt, Communal, Casteist, and Violative of Human Rights

SR Darapuri I.P.S.(Retd)

Introduction

The police constitute one of the most visible institutions of the modern state. In a democratic society, the police are expected to protect citizens, maintain law and order, prevent crime, and uphold constitutional values. Ideally, they should function as impartial guardians of justice and defenders of human rights. In India, however, the police system has frequently been criticized for brutality, corruption, caste prejudice, communal bias, authoritarian conduct, and violations of civil liberties. Reports of custodial torture, fake encounters, unlawful arrests, suppression of dissent, and discriminatory treatment toward marginalized communities regularly appear in public discourse. Human rights organizations, judicial commissions, journalists, and civil society activists have repeatedly raised concerns regarding the functioning of the Indian police system.

At the same time, it must also be acknowledged that the Indian police force operates under extremely difficult conditions. Police personnel often face long working hours, inadequate infrastructure, political pressure, shortage of manpower, stressful environments, and public hostility. Therefore, the problem cannot be reduced merely to the moral failure of individual police officers. Rather, it is rooted in historical, structural, political, and social factors that have shaped policing in India over a long period.

The nature of Indian policing can be understood only by examining the colonial origins of the police system, the hierarchical structure of Indian society, political interference, institutional weaknesses, inadequate accountability, and the growing authoritarian tendencies within governance. The crisis of policing in India reflects not only the failure of institutions but also the contradictions of Indian democracy itself.

Colonial Origins of the Indian Police System

The modern Indian police system emerged during British colonial rule. After this, the British Crown reorganized the administration to strengthen control over the Indian population, the most important legal foundation of policing became the Indian Police Act-1861. This Act established a centralized and militarized police structure designed primarily to protect colonial authority rather than serve the people.

The colonial police were not accountable to citizens. Their primary role was to suppress political dissent, control the population, collect intelligence, and maintain imperial order. Brutality and coercion were institutionalized as legitimate tools of governance. The relationship between the police and the public became one of fear rather than trust.

After independence in 1947, India adopted a democratic Constitution guaranteeing fundamental rights, equality before law, and civil liberties. However, the colonial structure of policing remained largely unchanged. The police continued to function with a command-and-control mentality inherited from colonial rule. While the political rulers changed, the institutional culture of domination survived. Consequently, many scholars argue that India achieved political independence without fundamentally democratizing its police system.

Social Structure and the Influence of Caste and Communalism

The Indian police do not function in a social vacuum. Police personnel are recruited from the same society that is deeply shaped by caste hierarchy, patriarchy, class inequality, and communal divisions. Therefore, social prejudices frequently influence policing practices.

Caste Bias in Policing

One of the major criticisms against Indian policing is the discriminatory treatment of Dalits, Adivasis, and other marginalized communities. Numerous studies and reports suggest that members of oppressed castes often face humiliation, refusal of police assistance, delayed registration of complaints, custodial violence, and biased investigations. In many cases involving caste atrocities, the police have been accused of siding with dominant caste groups.

The implementation of the laws has frequently exposed institutional bias. Victims often report that police officers discourage them from filing cases or dilute charges against powerful accused persons. This weakens the confidence of marginalized communities in the justice system.

The roots of caste bias lie in the broader social order. Since Indian society historically normalized caste hierarchy and untouchability, such attitudes often become embedded within state institutions. Police prejudice is therefore not merely personal but structural and social.

Communal Bias and Majoritarian Tendencies

Communal polarization has increasingly affected Indian politics and society. In several instances of communal riots and religious violence, allegations have emerged that the police acted in a partisan manner. Minority communities, especially Muslims, have often accused the police of selective arrests, biased investigations, and failure to protect victims during communal violence.

Various inquiry commissions investigating riots in different parts of India have pointed toward administrative failure and, at times, deliberate police complicity. Critics argue that when political discourse becomes majoritarian, state institutions including the police may absorb and reflect such ideological tendencies.

Communal policing damages secular democracy because it undermines the principle of equal citizenship. When citizens perceive the police as aligned with one religious community or political ideology, public trust in the rule of law weakens significantly.

Political Interference and the Politicization of the Police

One of the most serious problems affecting Indian policing is political interference. Ideally, the police should function independently and impartially according to constitutional principles. In practice, however, politicians frequently influence transfers, postings, promotions, and investigations.

This political control creates a culture of loyalty to ruling governments rather than loyalty to law. Police officers may feel pressured to:

Suppress political opposition, harass critics, manipulate investigations, ignore crimes committed by influential persons or act selectively during elections and protests.

The misuse of police power for political purposes weakens democratic institutions and encourages authoritarian governance. In many cases, the police become instruments of state power rather than protectors of citizens’ rights.

Recognizing this problem, the Supreme Court of India in the landmark Prakash Singh judgment of 2006 ordered major police reforms. The Court recommended fixed tenure for senior officers, establishment of independent police complaints authorities, and measures to reduce political interference. However, implementation of these reforms has remained incomplete in many states due to lack of political will.

Brutality, Torture, and “Third Degree” Methods

Police brutality remains one of the gravest concerns in India. Custodial torture, illegal detention, forced confessions, and encounter killings continue despite constitutional protections and judicial guidelines.

The use of “third degree” methods has become normalized in many police stations. Several factors contribute to this phenomenon:

Pressure to solve cases quickly, shortage of scientific investigative tools, poor forensic infrastructure, low conviction rates and a culture that rewards results rather than legality.

Instead of relying on professional investigation and evidence collection, some officers resort to coercion and violence. Torture is often used to extract confessions or intimidate suspects. Victims are frequently poor, socially marginalized, or politically powerless.

The persistence of custodial violence reflects institutional impunity. Prosecution of police personnel accused of torture is rare, and internal inquiries often lack independence. Fear of retaliation discourages victims from seeking justice.

India has signed the United Nations Convention Against Torture but has not fully incorporated anti-torture safeguards into domestic law. Human rights activists therefore continue to demand stronger legal protection against custodial abuse.

Corruption in the Police System

Corruption is another major issue affecting Indian policing. Bribery, extortion, manipulation of investigations, and collusion with criminal networks are widely reported. Corruption emerges from several interconnected factors:

Political patronage, weak accountability, low transparency, social acceptance of bribery and economic incentives within the system.

Corruption may influence:

Registration of First Information Reports (FIRs), criminal investigations, traffic enforcement, land disputes, recruitment and postings and protection of illegal businesses.

In some cases, postings to lucrative positions become part of informal political-economic networks. Officers may then seek to recover money through illegal means. Such corruption destroys public trust and weakens the rule of law.

Weak Accountability Mechanisms

A democratic police system requires strong accountability. However, mechanisms to monitor police misconduct in India are often weak and ineffective.

Internal departmental inquiries frequently lack independence. Victims of police abuse may hesitate to file complaints due to fear of retaliation. Judicial processes are slow and expensive. Political protection often shields powerful officers from punishment.

Although institutions such as human rights commissions and courts occasionally intervene, their capacity to ensure consistent accountability remains limited. As a result, a culture of impunity develops in which illegal actions go unpunished.

The absence of effective accountability encourages authoritarian tendencies and undermines constitutional governance.

Poor Working Conditions and Institutional Stress

Ironically, police personnel themselves often work under extremely difficult conditions. Many officers face:

Excessively long working hours, lack of weekly leave, inadequate housing, psychological stress, shortage of staff and poor infrastructure.

Constables at lower levels often experience harsh hierarchical treatment within the police organization itself. Such stressful conditions can produce frustration, aggression, and insensitivity toward the public.

Training systems also remain inadequate in many areas. Police academies traditionally emphasize discipline, obedience, and crowd control more than human rights, constitutional morality, gender sensitivity, or community engagement. Consequently, democratic policing culture develops slowly.

Militarization and Authoritarian Governance

In regions affected by insurgency, separatist movements, terrorism, or communal tension, policing often becomes militarized. Special security laws and extraordinary powers may expand state authority while weakening civil liberties.

When internal security is treated as warfare, citizens may increasingly be viewed as potential threats rather than rights-bearing individuals. Preventive detention, surveillance, arbitrary arrests, and excessive force then become normalized.

Authoritarian political cultures further strengthen this tendency. Governments emphasizing nationalism, internal enemies, and strong-state ideology may encourage aggressive policing practices. Suppression of dissent, protests, and civil society activism then becomes easier to justify in the name of national security or public order.

Public Attitudes and the Acceptance of Police Violence

An important but often ignored factor is public support for authoritarian policing. Many citizens criticize police corruption and brutality but simultaneously demand instant justice and harsh punishment for accused persons. Media narratives often glorify encounter killings and aggressive policing as symbols of strength and efficiency.

This social approval creates pressure on the police to demonstrate toughness rather than legality. In such an environment, constitutional rights may appear secondary to demands for order and punishment.

Therefore, police authoritarianism is not only a state problem but also partly a reflection of broader social attitudes.

Impact on Democracy and Human Rights

The consequences of biased and authoritarian policing are extremely serious for democracy. When the police become communal, casteist, corrupt, or politically partisan:

Rule of law weakens, marginalized communities lose faith in the state, dissent becomes criminalized, civil liberties shrink and democratic institutions become fragile.

Fear gradually replaces citizenship. Instead of being viewed as protectors, police come to be seen as instruments of coercion and domination.

A democratic society cannot survive merely through elections. It also requires institutions committed to constitutional morality, equality, and human dignity. Police reform is therefore essential for the preservation of democracy itself.

Conclusion

The problems associated with Indian policing are deeply rooted in history, politics, and society. The colonial legacy of authoritarian control, caste hierarchy, communal polarization, political interference, weak accountability, corruption, and institutional stress have collectively shaped a police system that often appears brutal and undemocratic.

At the same time, reform is possible. Genuine democratization of policing would require:

Insulation from political interference, independent accountability mechanisms, stronger human rights safeguards, better training, improved working conditions, diversity in recruitment, scientific investigation methods and greater public oversight.

Ultimately, the police reflect the nature of the society and state they serve. A humane, democratic, and constitutional police system can emerge only when democratic values are strengthened throughout society itself.

Why Neo-Buddhists must Register their Caste in Caste Census 2027?

Why Neo-Buddhists must Register their Caste in Caste Census 2027?           SR Darapuri I.P.S.(Retd) Neo-Buddhists in India are bein...