Is there a connection between Caste and Untouchability and Malnutrition?

 

Is there a connection between Caste and Untouchability and Malnutrition? 

Geetha Sunil Pillai 

The research found that Scheduled Caste children living south of the Vindhyachal Mountains are, on average, 0.24 standard deviations taller than their counterparts living north of the Vindhyachal Mountains and have a 7 to 8 percentage point lower risk of stunting, a highly significant and statistically proven difference. Most importantly, no comparable difference was found among upper-caste Hindu children between those north and south of the Vindhyachal Mountains.

New Delhi—The problem of child malnutrition in India is not limited to poverty or poor health services; it is also deeply rooted in the centuries-old caste system and social evils like untouchability. This startling finding comes from a recent study by Professor Ashwini Deshpande of Ashoka University and Professor Rajesh Ramachandran of Monash University Malaysia. This research paper was published in the prestigious international journal Journal of Economic Behavior and Organization in the year 2025. The Centre for Economic and Data Analysis at Ashoka University recently published an article on this.

The researchers based their study on data from the Government of India’s National Family Health Survey (NFHS-4) 2015-16. This survey provides physical measurements and caste information for 230,898 children under the age of five. The study specifically compared 45,924 Scheduled Caste (SC) and 29,132 Upper Caste Hindu (UC-Hindu) children aged between 0 and 59 months.

According to the research, stunting, i.e., extremely low height for age, is the most obvious sign of chronic malnutrition. This condition profoundly impacts a child’s brain development, educational potential, and economic opportunities in adult life. Nearly one-third of children under five in India suffer from stunting, a condition that has far-reaching and serious consequences for human capital development.

Research findings clearly show that the rate of stunting among Scheduled Caste children is approximately 50 percent higher than that among upper caste Hindu children. According to the data, while the rate of stunting among SC children is 43 percent, it is only 29 percent among upper caste Hindu children. This difference is also clearly visible in the height parameter – the average height-for-age Z-score of UC-Hindu children is -1.12, while that of SC children is -1.64. This means that SC children are, on average, more than half a standard deviation shorter than their upper caste counterparts. This difference persists throughout every month of a child’s age, from 0 to 60 months.

Researchers analyzed data from 585 districts across the country. Data from 467 districts for SC children and 369 districts for UC-Hindu children were studied. This analysis revealed that stunting rates among SC children were above 40 percent in 55 percent of districts, while stunting rates among UC-Hindu children were above 40 percent in only 15 percent of districts. In contrast, stunting rates among SC children were below 30 percent in only 15 percent of districts, while stunting rates among UC-Hindu children were below 30 percent in 54 percent of districts.

The research found the situation to be most severe in Bihar, Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, and Uttar Pradesh, collectively known as the “BIMARU” region. This region accounts for 50.8 percent of the total survey sample. In 180 out of 220 districts in this region, or 82 percent of districts, stunting rates among SC children were above 40 percent. In 99 districts, or 45 percent, more than half of SC children are stunted. On the other hand, in the same region, stunting among UC-Hindu children is above 40 percent in only 20 percent of districts. The situation is relatively better in Southern India, where only 24 percent of districts have stunting among SC children above 40 percent.

The Vindhyachal Mountains: A Historical and Social Divide

Professor Deshpande and Professor Ramachandran made the Vindhyachal mountain range the most important and fundamental aspect of their research. According to the researchers, historically, the region north of the Vindhyachal was known as “Aryavarta,” defined in Manusmriti (2.22) as the land between the Himalayas and the Vindhyas. This region has been a cultural center of Hinduism and the caste system since the Vedic period (approximately 1500-600 BCE). The Vindhya Mountains historically served as a boundary between Aryan-influenced areas and non-Aryan areas. This is why untouchability and caste-based discrimination are more deeply rooted in the north.

This historical evidence is supported by contemporary data. An analysis of the 2011-12 Indian Human Development Survey (IHDS-II) data shows that 49 percent and 40 percent of households in Central India and the North-Central Plains, respectively, admit to practicing untouchability. In contrast, only 17 percent of households in the southern states do so.

A study by Shah et al. (2006) reported that Dalits were denied access to private health clinics in 74 of the 348 villages surveyed in rural India. In 30-40 percent of villages, public health workers refused to visit Dalit settlements, and in 15-20 percent of villages, Dalits were denied access to public health centers.

The researchers used a well-established statistical method—Difference-in-Differences (DID)—to compare SC and UC-Hindu children living 100 kilometers north and 100 kilometers south of the Vindhyachal Mountains. This method is important because it compares within a single state, allowing the influence of economic, geographic, and administrative factors to be isolated.

The results are extremely significant. SC children living within 100 kilometers of the Vindhyachal range are 21 percentage points, or approximately 70 percent, more likely to be stunted than UC-Hindu children. However, the most important finding is that SC children living south of the Vindhyachal range are approximately 8 percentage points less likely to be stunted than SC children living north of the Vindhyachal range. This difference is both statistically significant and economically significant. In terms of height, SC children living south of the Vindhyachal range are, on average, 0.24 standard deviations, or approximately 30 percent taller, than their counterparts in the north.

On the other hand, for UC-Hindu children, living north or south of the Vindhyachal region makes no statistical difference. This means that the advantage of geographical location is not universal, but rather limited to SC children, suggesting that caste-based discrimination is the root cause of this difference.

Direct Link Between Untouchability and Child Health

The research also analyzed the direct relationship between the practice of untouchability and children’s height. Using state-level data, the researchers found that in states where the practice of untouchability is more prevalent, SC children’s height-for-age Z-scores decline more rapidly and stunting increases. In contrast, UC-Hindu children appear to have no such effect.

The research also provides strong evidence of discrimination in health services. A study by Shah et al. (2006) reported that Dalits were denied access to private health clinics in 74 of the 348 villages surveyed in rural India. In 30-40 percent of villages, public health workers refused to visit Dalit settlements, and in 15-20 percent of villages, Dalits were denied access to public health centers. According to Acharya’s (2010) study of 200 Dalit children in Gujarat and Rajasthan, 91 percent of Dalit children experienced discrimination in accessing medicines, 94 percent reported that ANMs refused to visit their homes, and 93 percent said that health workers avoided touching Dalit children while administering medicines.

Caste, not economic factors, is the real factor: Validation tests

The researchers conducted several validation exercises to ensure that the observed differences were not simply a result of economic inequality. When the interaction between family wealth index and “living south of Vindhyachal” was tested, it was found to be statistically insignificant. This means that economic status cannot explain this north-south divide. The interaction effect between SC and “south of Vindhyachal” remained large and statistically significant.

Furthermore, a test on Scheduled Tribe (ST) children found that ST children are as economically disadvantaged as SC children, but their location north-south of Vindhyachal has no statistically significant effect because STs have not traditionally faced caste-based discrimination. Similarly, no significant north-south effect was found for UC-Muslims. However, a positive effect was observed for SC-Muslims, which was expected since SC-Muslims are often former SC converts from Hinduism and continue to experience caste-based stigma.

The researchers conducted another important test: artificially shifting the Vindhyachal range north or south to see if a similar effect was observed there. When comparing living entirely north of the Vindhyachal and living entirely south of it, no statistically significant effect was found in either case. This proves that the observed effect is not due to any arbitrary geographical division, but rather to the specific historical and social boundaries of the Vindhyachal Mountains.

The research also examined whether maternal education, health, household economic status, open defecation, drinking water quality, and other social factors could explain this North-South divide. When all these factors were taken together, the average gap between SC and UC-Hindu children decreased from 23 percentage points to 11 percentage points. Factors such as maternal height, anemia status, years of education, household wealth, and open defecation were found to be significantly associated with malnutrition. However, even after controlling for all these factors, the DID effect of “SC × South of Vindhyachal” only decreased from 7.7 percentage points to 5 percentage points, and this change was not statistically significant. This means that while socioeconomic and public health factors partially mitigate the gap, they are unable to fully explain this persistent North-South divide. According to Acharya’s (2010) study of 200 Dalit children in Gujarat and Rajasthan, 91 percent of Dalit children experienced discrimination in accessing medicines, 94 percent reported that ANMs refused to visit their homes, and 93 percent said that health workers avoided touching Dalit children while administering medicines.

The research also examined whether access to Anganwadi/ICDS services, prenatal check-ups, institutional delivery, breastfeeding duration, child diet (eggs, fruits, yogurt), and vaccination schedules explained this difference. The results were clear—even after controlling for all these services, the “SC × South of Vindhyachal” effect not only persisted, but in some cases became slightly stronger.

Summary

Researchers have linked these findings to racial health disparities in the United States. Just as health disparities persist despite socioeconomic equality between Black and White communities in the United States, caste-based discrimination, social exclusion, and psychosocial stressors continue to impact child health for SC communities in India. According to the researchers, these results also demonstrate that stunting, affecting nearly half of SC children, has profound negative consequences for their cognitive, educational, health, and economic potential in adult life, and this persists across generations.

The researchers call for multifaceted policy interventions that target not only material inequalities but also deeper social structures. Investments in maternal health and education, improved sanitation infrastructure, and effective enforcement of anti-caste discrimination laws are all essential in combating child malnutrition.

Courtesy: Hindi News, justicenews

Master Mangoo Ram favoured Dr. Ambedkar's Religious Conversion Movement

 

    Master Mangoo Ram favoured Dr. Ambedkar's Religious             Conversion Movement

            SR Darapuri I.P.S.(Retd)

 

                         

Master Mangoo Ram, the founder of Ad-Dharm movement in Punjab during 1920s had also favoured Dr. Ambedkar's movement for religious conversion. It has been mentioned in "The Depressed Classes, A Chronological Documentation" (page-86) that after Yeola Conference in 1935 where Dr. Ambedkar gave a call for change of religion a Conference of the All India Depressed Classes was held in Lucknow from 22nd May to 24th May, 1936 in which one of the following resolutions was passed:

"7. In order to consider the whole question of the conversion of the Depressed Classes to another religion. the Conference appoints a committee consisting of the following persons to co-opt other members. This Committee after examining the different aspects of all religions, and considering the whole matter in the interest of the Depressed Classes, should submit their report to the All India Depressed Conference. This Committee will also work as the Executive body of this Conference.

Bombay: Dr. B.r.Ambedkar (Chairman)

Punjab: Mangoo Ram and Hans Raj."

As a follow up many such conferences were held all over India to discuss this issue and arrive at a decision.

It is thus clear that Master Mangoo Ram had also subscribed to the religious conversion movement of Dr. Ambedkar. As such the followers of Ad-Dharm i.e. Ad-Dharmis of Punjab and elsewhere should not have any hesitation in accepting the advice of the founder of Ad-dharm movement and follow the path of Buddhism as shown by Dr. Ambedkar. It is very encouraging to note that population of Buddhists in Punjab is increasing very fast and a large number of Buddha Viharas and other such institutions have come up in Punjab. Historically Punjab has been the cradle of Buddhism. It has a very rich Buddhist heritage. Incidentally Jatt Sikhs of Punjab are also ex-Budhists. It will be discussed separately some other time. Guru Granth Saheb and Sikhism also have a lot of Buddhism.

 

 

The Nature and Likely Impact of the Impending Economic Crisis in India

 

The Nature and Likely Impact of the Impending Economic Crisis in India

SR Darapuri I.P.S.(Retd)

Introduction

India is presently regarded as one of the fastest-growing major economies in the world. Government statements, corporate reports, and international financial institutions frequently highlight India’s rising GDP growth, expanding digital economy, increasing infrastructure investment, and growing global influence. India is projected as an emerging economic superpower capable of replacing China as a global manufacturing and investment destination. Yet beneath this optimistic narrative lies a series of deep structural contradictions that indicate the emergence of a serious economic crisis.

The impending economic crisis in India is unlikely to resemble the sudden sovereign collapse witnessed in countries such as Sri Lanka or Argentina. India possesses substantial foreign exchange reserves, a diversified economy, and a relatively stable banking structure. However, the country faces a more complex and prolonged structural crisis characterized by unemployment, agrarian distress, weak purchasing power, rising inequality, informalization of labour, and increasing fiscal stress. The contradiction between high GDP growth and deteriorating socio-economic conditions for large sections of the population defines the essential nature of the present crisis.

The crisis is therefore not merely cyclical or temporary. It reflects deeper problems embedded in India’s model of development, which has increasingly favoured capital-intensive growth, corporate concentration, and financialization while neglecting employment generation, rural development, and social welfare. If these structural weaknesses are not addressed, India may enter a prolonged phase of economic instability accompanied by growing social tensions and political polarization.

Nature of the Emerging Economic Crisis

Growth Without Employment

One of the most striking features of the Indian economy today is the phenomenon of “jobless growth.” Although India continues to report relatively high GDP growth rates, employment generation has remained extremely weak. Economic expansion has failed to create sufficient secure and productive employment opportunities, especially for the rapidly growing youth population.

A large proportion of India’s labour force continues to work in the informal sector where wages are low, employment is insecure, and social protection is absent. Even educated youth increasingly face unemployment or underemployment. Millions are compelled to accept temporary, contractual, gig-based, or low-paying jobs unrelated to their qualifications. The rise of platform-based employment through app-driven services has further expanded precarious labour conditions.

This situation creates a dangerous contradiction. Economic growth without employment cannot sustain long-term social stability because rising aspirations among educated youth collide with shrinking opportunities. Youth unemployment therefore represents not merely an economic issue but also a potential source of political and social unrest.

Crisis of Demand and Purchasing Power

Another important dimension of the present crisis is weak domestic demand. Economic growth can remain sustainable only when the purchasing power of ordinary citizens expands. However, inflation, stagnant wages, rising unemployment, and increasing costs of living have severely weakened mass consumption demand in India.

The prices of food, fuel, housing, healthcare, transportation, and education have increased substantially in recent years. At the same time, wage growth for workers and salaried employees has not kept pace with inflation. Rural incomes in particular remain under severe pressure. As a result, a large section of the population struggles to maintain basic consumption levels.

This weak purchasing power creates a vicious economic cycle. When ordinary people cannot spend, industries face declining demand for their products. Businesses then reduce investment and employment generation, which further depresses purchasing power. Thus, insufficient demand becomes both a symptom and a cause of economic stagnation.

The concentration of wealth among a small corporate and upper-income elite aggravates this problem. Wealth accumulation at the top cannot compensate for declining mass consumption because broad-based economic growth requires the participation of millions of consumers, not merely a small affluent minority.

Agrarian Distress and Rural Crisis

The agrarian sector remains one of the weakest areas of the Indian economy. Despite employing a substantial portion of the population, agriculture contributes a declining share to national income. Indian farmers continue to suffer from low profitability, rising indebtedness, fragmented landholdings, climate vulnerability, and fluctuating market prices.

Input costs such as seeds, fertilizers, electricity, diesel, and irrigation have increased significantly. At the same time, many farmers fail to receive remunerative prices for their produce. Climate change has further intensified agricultural uncertainty through irregular monsoons, floods, droughts, and heatwaves.

Rural distress has serious implications for the broader economy because a large section of India’s population still depends directly or indirectly upon agriculture. Weak rural incomes reduce consumption demand across the economy and contribute to migration toward urban areas already suffering from unemployment and infrastructural pressure.

Farmer protests witnessed in recent years demonstrated the depth of agrarian dissatisfaction. The rural crisis therefore remains not only an economic issue but also a major political challenge.

External Vulnerabilities and Global Economic Pressures

India’s economy is also vulnerable to external shocks arising from global economic instability. One of the most significant vulnerabilities is India’s dependence on imported crude oil. Rising global oil prices directly increase inflation, transportation costs, industrial expenses, and fiscal pressure.

Geopolitical conflicts in West Asia or disruptions in global supply chains can therefore severely affect India’s economy. A rise in oil prices widens the trade deficit and puts pressure on the Indian rupee. Currency depreciation increases the cost of imports and external debt servicing, thereby intensifying inflationary pressures.

Global recessionary trends also affect India’s export sector, foreign investment inflows, and IT services industry. Since India is increasingly integrated into the global capitalist economy, international financial instability can rapidly transmit domestic economic stress.

Fiscal Stress and Public Debt

Both the central and state governments are experiencing growing fiscal pressure. Public expenditure requirements have increased due to infrastructure projects, welfare schemes, subsidies, debt servicing obligations, and defence spending. At the same time, economic slowdown and unemployment constrain tax revenue growth.

The fiscal burden became especially severe after the COVID-19 pandemic, which required emergency welfare spending while simultaneously reducing economic activity. Many state governments today face serious debt pressures and shrinking fiscal flexibility.

The challenge is intensified by extensive tax concessions and incentives granted to large corporations in the hope of stimulating investment. Critics argue that while corporate profits have risen substantially, corresponding gains in employment and wages have remained limited.

If fiscal deficits continue to rise without corresponding productive growth, governments may eventually reduce welfare expenditure, privatize public assets, or increase indirect taxes, all of which disproportionately affect ordinary citizens.

Rising Inequality

Perhaps the most defining characteristic of India’s present economic trajectory is rapidly increasing inequality. Economic growth has disproportionately benefited large corporations, financial elites, and upper-income groups, while the majority of workers experience economic insecurity.

A small section of the population controls an increasingly large share of national wealth. Meanwhile, millions continue to struggle with unemployment, low wages, malnutrition, inadequate healthcare, and poor educational opportunities. Regional inequalities between prosperous urban centres and backward rural regions have also widened.

Extreme inequality weakens social cohesion and democratic stability. When economic growth benefits only a minority, public dissatisfaction intensifies and faith in democratic institutions may decline. Inequality also reduces economic efficiency because concentrated wealth limits broad-based consumption and productive participation.

Structural Causes of the Crisis

Weak Manufacturing Base

India has failed to develop labour-intensive industrialization on the scale achieved by countries such as China, South Korea, or Vietnam. Manufacturing has not generated sufficient employment for the growing labour force. Instead, the economy has become increasingly dependent on services, many of which require high skills inaccessible to large sections of the population.

The absence of a strong manufacturing base limits export capacity, employment generation, and technological development.

Informalization of Labour

A major structural weakness of the Indian economy is the dominance of informal labour. Most workers lack job security, social protection, pensions, healthcare benefits, and collective bargaining rights.

Informalization suppresses wages and reduces long-term economic stability because insecure workers cannot sustain strong consumption demand. Labour market flexibility may increase short-term corporate profitability, but excessive precariousness weakens the broader economy.

Policy Shocks and Economic Mismanagement

Several controversial policy decisions have also contributed to economic disruption. Demonetisation severely affected the informal sector, small businesses, and daily wage labourers. Similarly, the initial implementation of the Goods and Services Tax (GST) created difficulties for small and medium enterprises.

The economic effects of the COVID-19 lockdown further intensified unemployment, poverty, and migration distress. Although recovery has occurred in some sectors, the benefits have remained unevenly distributed.

Corporate Concentration and Financialization

Economic liberalization has increasingly concentrated wealth and market power in the hands of a few large corporate groups. Small businesses often struggle to access credit, compete with monopolistic firms, or survive economic shocks.

Financialization has also shifted economic priorities toward speculative capital flows and stock market expansion rather than productive employment-generating investment. This creates growth that appears impressive statistically but remains socially fragile.

Likely Impact of the Crisis

Rising Unemployment and Social Unrest

The most immediate consequence of the economic crisis is likely to be rising unemployment, especially among youth. Persistent unemployment among educated populations creates frustration, alienation, and social anxiety.

If aspirations continue to rise while opportunities decline, social tensions may intensify in both urban and rural areas.

Expansion of Precarious Employment

Even where employment grows, much of it may remain insecure, temporary, and low-paid. Gig work, contractual labour, and platform-based employment may increasingly replace stable jobs with social protection.

This could create a society characterized by chronic insecurity and declining middle-class stability.

Inflation and Declining Living Standards

Inflation in essential commodities such as food and fuel can significantly reduce real incomes. Poor and lower-middle-class households are especially vulnerable because they spend a large proportion of their income on basic necessities.

Declining living standards may further weaken consumption demand and deepen economic stagnation.

Political Polarization and Authoritarian Tendencies

Economic distress often contributes to political polarization. Governments facing economic dissatisfaction may rely increasingly on identity politics, communal polarization, nationalism, or centralized authority to maintain political support.

Economic insecurity can therefore weaken democratic institutions and increase social conflict.

Pressure on Federalism

Fiscal stress may intensify tensions between the Union government and the states regarding taxation, revenue sharing, borrowing powers, and welfare expenditure. Financially weaker states may face severe developmental constraints.

Conclusion

The impending economic crisis in India is fundamentally a crisis of unequal and exclusionary development. Despite impressive GDP growth figures and expanding corporate profits, the broader economy suffers from structural weaknesses including unemployment, agrarian distress, weak purchasing power, informalization of labour, and widening inequality.

India is unlikely to experience an immediate economic collapse because its economy retains significant strengths such as foreign exchange reserves, a large domestic market, technological capacity, and a diversified production structure. However, these strengths alone cannot ensure long-term stability if growth remains disconnected from employment, social welfare, and mass prosperity.

The future trajectory of the Indian economy will depend on whether policymakers adopt reforms aimed at employment generation, rural development, labour protection, public investment in health and education, and reduction of inequality. Without such structural changes, India risks entering a prolonged period of high-growth instability in which economic expansion coexists with deepening social and political crisis.

Thus, the central challenge before India is not merely achieving economic growth but ensuring that growth becomes equitable, democratic, and socially sustainable.