Showing posts with label atrocities on Dalits. Show all posts
Showing posts with label atrocities on Dalits. Show all posts

Friday, 26 September 2025

Atrocities on Dalits, its Cause and Measures to Reduce them

 

Atrocities on Dalits, its Cause and Measures to Reduce them

-         SR Darapuri, National President, All India Peoples Front

Atrocities against Dalits (often referred to as Scheduled Castes in official terms) by upper castes in India are a deeply entrenched social issue with historical, cultural, economic, and political dimensions. These acts of violence, discrimination, and humiliation stem from the millennia-old caste system embedded in Hindu society, which traditionally assigns Dalits to the lowest rung, deeming them "untouchable" or impure by birth. While the Indian Constitution and laws like the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act aim to curb this, implementation remains weak, allowing systemic oppression to persist. The reasons are not singular but interconnected, and yes, a significant factor is the perceived threat to the existing power equation—where upper castes seek to maintain dominance amid Dalit assertions of rights—but other elements play roles too. Below, Scheduled I'll break it down based on documented patterns, while noting diverse perspectives that sometimes downplay or reframe the issue.

 Historical and Cultural Roots

The caste system, originating from ancient Hindu texts like the Manusmriti, institutionalizes hierarchy and untouchability, viewing Dalits as polluted and suited only for menial labour. This ideology fosters everyday discrimination, such as barring Dalits from temples, wells, or upper-caste areas, and escalates to violence when norms are challenged. For instance, Dalits have faced beatings for wearing sunglasses, riding horses in weddings, or drawing water from shared sources—acts seen as defying their "place." From a Dalit viewpoint, this is lifelong stigma and marginalization, often likened to "hidden apartheid." Critics from more conservative angles argue that such practices are relics limited to rural areas or exaggerated by media, pointing instead to intra-Dalit or inter-backward caste conflicts as more common.

 Threat to Power Equation and Social Dominance

A core driver is indeed the fear of disrupting societal hierarchies. As Dalits gain education, jobs, or political voice—often through reservations or awareness of rights—upper castes perceive this as an erosion of their privileges. Economic mobility for Dalits, like owning land or refusing exploitative labor, triggers backlash to "keep them in line." Examples include assaults over wage demands or inter-caste marriages, where upper castes enforce endogamy to preserve purity and control. Human rights reports highlight how this violence maintains upper-caste hegemony, with Dalits facing not just physical harm but also false police cases or denial of justice. Some analyses tie it to broader feudal mindsets or Hindutva influences that reinforce caste norms. However, voices from right-leaning sources claim the narrative unfairly demonizes upper castes, suggesting violence often stems from non-caste issues like land disputes or is perpetrated by backward castes/Muslims, not traditional upper castes like Brahmins.

 Economic Exploitation and Resource Conflicts

Poverty and dependency amplify atrocities. Dalits, historically landless, face exploitation as cheap labour; refusing low wages or asserting land rights often leads to violence. Studies show higher caste-based crimes in areas with economic gaps between castes, where upper castes use violence to deter Dalit progress. This isn't always tied to power threats—sometimes it's sheer opportunism—but it reinforces inequality. Counterviews argue that economic factors like corruption or socialism's legacy create a low-trust society where violence cuts across castes, not just upper-to-lower.

 Political and Institutional Factors

Politics exacerbates this: Atrocities spike during elections or when Dalits mobilize, as upper castes align to protect vote banks or influence. Weak law enforcement—often biased toward upper castes—emboldens perpetrators. Some Dalit leaders are accused of complicity for personal gains, diluting community resistance. Media bias is debated: Dalit advocates say upper-caste dominance in journalism ignores caste dynamics, while others claim overemphasis on upper castes hides violence by other groups. NCRB data shows most crimes against Dalits occur in states like Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthan, and Bihar, not necessarily correlating with economic development.

In summary, while threats to the power equation are central—especially as Dalits challenge subordination—these atrocities are also fueled by ingrained cultural biases, economic control, and institutional failures. Perspectives vary: Human rights groups emphasize systemic casteism, while some conservative outlets argue it is overstated or misattributed to upper castes. True progress requires addressing root causes beyond laws, like education and cultural reform.

Measures to Reduce Atrocities

Reducing atrocities against Dalits (Scheduled Castes) in India requires a multifaceted approach addressing root causes like caste prejudice, economic inequality, institutional biases, and weak enforcement of laws. While progress has been made through constitutional protections and affirmative action, implementation gaps persist, leading to ongoing violence and discrimination. Strategies draw from government initiatives, NGO recommendations, international advocacy, and scholarly analyses, emphasizing prevention, justice, and societal change. Below, I outline key strategies grouped by category, based on credible sources.

 Strengthening Legal Enforcement and Access to Justice

A primary focus is improving the implementation of existing laws like the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989 (PoA Act), which criminalizes caste-based violence, and the Protection of Civil Rights Act, 1955. Low conviction rates (often below 30%) stem from police bias, delayed investigations, and witness intimidation.

- Enhance PoA Act Implementation: Establish dedicated special courts for faster trials as already envisaged in SC/ST Prevention of Atrocities Act, 1989, monitor case progress, and penalize officials for negligence or evidence tampering. Appoint sensitized officers, including from SC/ST communities, to handle cases.

- Address Impunity: Tackle patterns of non-registration of FIRs by mandating immediate action and accountability for police. Use tools like the National Helpdesk for Prevention of Atrocities (NHAPOA) for reporting and tracking grievances, providing instant relief and FIR assistance.

- Adopt International Guidelines: Incorporate UN principles for eliminating discrimination based on work and descent, including caste, to guide policy and hold perpetrators accountable.

 Education, Awareness, and Cultural Reform

Caste biases are deeply ingrained, so long-term change involves shifting mindsets through education and campaigns. On the contrary in new NCERT textbooks BJP government has removed several passages on caste and religious discrimination, including specific references to the abolition of the caste system and the struggles of Dalit and oppressed communities.

- Public Awareness Campaigns: Launch nationwide efforts via media, schools, and community programs to challenge stereotypes, promote equality, and educate on Dalit rights and the PoA Act. Include school curricula on caste history and anti-discrimination.

- Training for Officials: Mandatory sensitization programs for police, judges, and bureaucrats on caste-gender intersections, focusing on vulnerabilities of Dalit women and girls.

- Media Role: Encourage non-stereotypical portrayals of Dalits and highlight positive stories to reduce prejudice.

 Economic Empowerment and Social Inclusion

Economic dependence exacerbates exploitation; empowering Dalits reduces vulnerability.

- Reservations and Development Programs: Fully enforce job, education, and political quotas; introduce reservation in Private Sector,allocate budgets for Dalit welfare, including land distribution and skill training.

- Address Supply Chain Discrimination: In industries like garments, enforce corporate due diligence to eliminate caste biases in hiring and labour practices.

- Support for Victims: Provide immediate relief, rehabilitation, counselling, jobs, and pensions for survivors, especially in sexual violence cases.

 Institutional and Political Reforms

Political will is crucial to overcome systemic barriers.

- Strengthen Commissions: Fund and expand bodies like the National Commission for Scheduled and Scheduled Tribes, and National Human Rights Commission to monitor atrocities, take suo moto actions, and ensure proportional Dalit representation.

- Data Collection and Monitoring: Disaggregate data on violence by caste and gender; map atrocity-prone areas for targeted interventions and periodic reports to Parliament which are not there at present.

- International Advocacy: Leverage UN and EU mechanisms for pressure, including treaty reviews and human rights dialogues, to push for reforms.

Community and Grassroots Involvement

- Dalit-Led Initiatives: Support Dalit organizations for advocacy, legal aid, and community monitoring of atrocities.

- Inter-Caste Dialogue: Promote local forums to foster understanding and reduce conflicts.

These strategies, if implemented holistically, could significantly curb atrocities, but success depends on sustained political commitment and cross-society collaboration. Recent reports indicate rising incidents, underscoring urgency.

Tuesday, 5 November 2024

How Much pro-Dalit Has Been Mayawati?

 

How Much pro-Dalit Has Been Mayawati?

S.R. Darapuri, National President, All India People's Front

Mayawati became the Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh four times. Generally, it is expected that during this period she would have done a lot for the welfare of Dalits, but the ground reality is completely opposite to this, as is evident from the following examples: -

1.       Mayawati had banned the screening of the film "Teesri Azadi" made by Kanshiram through BAMCEF in Uttar Pradesh in 2007 because some people from the higher caste had objected to it. This ban continues even today.

2.       Mayawati had banned the sale of Periyar's book "Sachchi Ramayan” (A True Ramayana) in Uttar Pradesh in 2007 because some people from the public had objected to it.

3.       Mayawati had banned the installation of Dr. Ambedkar's statue in Uttar Pradesh even at a public place or private land without the permission of the District Magistrate, which is still in force.

4.       Mayawati had stopped reservation for SCs/STs in admission to sports college given by a Dalit officer (Harish Chandra IAS) with Mayawati's approval because the people of Sarvajan had objected to it saying that it will lead to decline in the level of sports. It is noteworthy that this reservation was not for admission in any team but only for admission in sports college. Mayawati had also blamed that the said officer had fraudulently taken my signature.

5.       Mayawati had issued an order issued by the same Dalit officer with Mayawati's approval that if any Dalit is living on any land (including village land) in a hut or house, then he should not be evicted but the said land should be transferred in his name. Some people of Sarvajan objected to this saying that this will give Dalits the right to occupy anyone's land, so Mayawati cancelled the said order saying that the said officer had got issued a wrong order with her approval   and removed Harish Chandra from the post of Revenue Secretary.

6.       In 1996, Kanshi Ram had announced to hold a “Periyar Mela” in Lucknow and install a statue of Periyar at Parivartan Chowk, but when BJP opposed it, neither Periyar Mela was held nor till date, not only Periyar’s statue, but not even a poster could be installed in Lucknow.

7.       Mayawati’s biggest blow to the Dalits of Uttar Pradesh was to stop the implementation of SC/ST Act in the case of atrocities on Dalits in 2001, saying that it was being misused. At that time, there were 21 crimes of atrocities in the said Act. In the order issued by Mayawati, it was to be applied only in two cases instead of 19: one murder and the other rape. In the case of rape too, there was a condition that it should first be certified by a medical examination. It is well known how much manipulation is done in the medical report in the case of rape of Dalit women. The police deliberately delays registration of the case  so that the evidence is destroyed. Due to this, Dalits had to suffer a double blow. Firstly, those who tortured Dalits were exempted from strict punishment and they continued to torture Dalits fearlessly. Secondly, the compensation given to Dalits under this Act in case of atrocities was also stopped. This anti-Dalit act which no non-Dalit Chief Minister had the courage to do, was done by Mayawati with full impunity. It is also worth mentioning that the SC/ST Act is a Central act and no state government has the power to make any change in it, but still Mayawati banned it with full arrogance. It is also worth mentioning that there is already a provision to act under Section 182 against the person who files a false case against someone.

Some Dalit organizations had challenged the above anti-Dalit illegal act of Mayawati in the Allahabad High Court and got it cancelled. But in the government order issued by Mayawati after this, while cancelling her previous government order, she again wrote that this Act should not be misused under any circumstances, the meaning of which the police understand very well.

8.       During Mayawati's rule, cases of atrocities on Dalits were not registered on the pretext that this would bring disrepute to the Mayawati government. Dalits had to bear the brunt of this. The best example of this is the burning of 18 houses of Dalits by Thakur people in Amethi. I was told about this by a BSP MLA himself. He told that when he met Mayawati regarding the police not registering a case of burning Dalit houses, Mayawati scolded him saying that this would bring disrepute to the government.

9.       In 2007, Faizabad (Bikapur) BSP MLA Anand Sen was accused of kidnapping and murdering Shashi, a Dalit law graduate student of Faizabad, but he was completely acquitted due to Mayawati's protection.

10.     In 2011, BSP MLA Purushottam Dwivedi was accused of kidnapping and rape of a minor backward caste girl, but no action was taken. On the contrary, the rape victim was accused of mobile theft and sent to jail. When there was a huge uproar against this bias of the Mayawati government, the case was handed over to the CBI and the MLA was arrested and sent to jail. Ultimately, he was sentenced by the court.

11.     It is well known that under the Right to Food Act, mid-day meals are being provided in all government primary and middle level schools as per the Supreme Court order. Dalit cooks are to be appointed on priority basis for cooking the mid-day meals. Under this order, some Dalit cooks were appointed in Uttar Pradesh. In 2007, when Mayawati became the Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh with a huge majority, the food cooked by a Dalit cook was boycotted in a village school in Sarojini Nagar block of Lucknow, the news of which was also published in the newspapers. Instead of taking punitive action against the students/parents who boycotted the food, the Mayawati government fired the Dalit cook. We, on behalf of the Ambedkar Mahasabha, tried a lot to get the Dalit cook reinstated but failed. Not only this, the Mayawati government even cancelled the government order to recruit Dalit cooks.

It is clear from the above examples how pro-Dalit Mayawati has been.

(http://dalitmukti.blogspot.com/search/label/%E0%A4%AE%E0%A4%BE%E0%A4%AF%E0%A4%BE%E0%A4%B5%E0%A4%A4%E0%A5%80)

Dr. Ambedkar's views about the role of Education in the Development of an Individual and the Nation

  Dr. Ambedkar's views about the role of Education in the Development of an Individual and the Nation SR Darapuri I.P.S. (Retd) ...