Ad-Dharm Movement in Punjab: Its Socio-Religious, Political and Cultural Impact and Its Relevance Today

 

Ad-Dharm Movement in Punjab: Its Socio-Religious, Political and Cultural Impact and Its Relevance Today

SR Darapuri I.P.S.(Retd)

(Special on Centenary year 1926-2026)

The Ad-Dharm Movement occupies a distinctive place in the social history of colonial Punjab as one of the earliest organized movements for the emancipation of the oppressed castes. Founded in 1926 under the leadership of Mangu Ram Mugowalia, the movement sought to challenge the deeply entrenched caste hierarchy and restore dignity, equality, and self-respect to Dalits. Unlike many contemporary reform movements that attempted to eradicate caste discrimination within existing religious frameworks, the Ad-Dharm Movement asserted a separate religious and cultural identity for the marginalized communities. It combined social reform, religious assertion, political mobilization, and cultural revival, making it one of the pioneering Dalit movements in northern India. Although its organizational strength declined after Independence, its ideals continue to influence contemporary debates on social justice, identity, and equality.

The movement emerged against the backdrop of widespread caste discrimination in colonial Punjab. Despite the egalitarian teachings of Sikhism and the reformist efforts of organizations such as the Arya Samaj, untouchability and social exclusion remained deeply embedded in everyday life. Dalits were denied access to temples, educational institutions, public wells, and many economic opportunities. They were largely confined to hereditary occupations and faced social humiliation. Influenced by anti-caste ideas and the growing political consciousness among marginalized communities, Mangu Ram Mugowalia founded the Ad-Dharm Movement in 1926 with the objective of creating an independent identity for the oppressed castes and enabling them to fight collectively for their rights.

The socio-religious impact of the Ad-Dharm Movement was profound. One of its greatest achievements was the assertion of a distinct religious identity. The movement rejected the notion that Dalits were merely the lowest section of Hindu society and instead described them as the original inhabitants or "Adi" people. It encouraged members of the community to identify themselves as Ad-Dharmis rather than by caste labels that carried stigma and discrimination. They claimed themselves to be a separate Qaum. This assertion received official recognition when more than four lakh people in Punjab identified themselves as Ad-Dharmis in the 1931 Census. Such recognition significantly strengthened the self-confidence and collective identity of the community.

The movement also launched a direct challenge to the caste hierarchy and the practice of untouchability. It rejected the Brahmanical concepts of purity and pollution that had historically justified caste discrimination. Instead, it emphasized the inherent equality of all human beings and encouraged Dalits to reject feelings of inferiority. The teachings of Guru Ravidas, who preached equality, dignity of labour, and devotion beyond caste distinctions, became the spiritual foundation of the movement. By promoting independent places of worship and community organizations, the movement reduced dependence on upper-caste religious institutions and encouraged religious democratization.

Education and social reform formed another important pillar of the movement. The Ad-Dharm leadership recognized that education was essential for social mobility and empowerment. Community organizations promoted literacy, encouraged children to attend schools, and emphasized moral discipline, self-respect, and collective organization. As a result, many Dalits began participating more actively in public life and developed a stronger sense of social identity.

The political impact of the Ad-Dharm Movement was equally significant. It transformed social grievances into organized political demands and awakened political consciousness among Dalits in Punjab. Rather than relying on upper-caste leadership, the movement encouraged the oppressed communities to organize independently and demand political representation. This marked a significant departure from earlier approaches that focused primarily on social reform. By mobilizing Dalits as a distinct political constituency, the movement laid the foundation for later Dalit politics in Punjab and influenced broader struggles for representation and equality.

The movement also contributed to the development of identity-based politics. It demonstrated that social equality required not only legal reforms but also recognition of the distinct identity and rights of marginalized communities. In 1936-37 elections Ad-Dharm Mandal won 7 out of 8 reserved Provincial Assembly seats and formed government in collaboration of Muslim League in United Punjab. The assertion of an independent Ad-Dharm identity inspired later Dalit organizations and complemented the broader movement for social justice led by Dr. B. R. Ambedkar. Although the constitutional provisions for reservations and affirmative action were introduced after Independence, the Ad-Dharm Movement helped create the political awareness that strengthened demands for educational opportunities, employment, and representation in public institutions.

The cultural contribution of the Ad-Dharm Movement was equally transformative. It sought to recover and celebrate the cultural heritage of Dalits, which had long been ignored or marginalized in mainstream historical narratives. The movement elevated Guru Ravidas as a symbol of equality and justice and encouraged the celebration of Dalit saints, traditions, and festivals. It also produced literature, pamphlets, newspapers, and speeches that challenged caste discrimination and inspired a new generation of Dalit intellectuals and writers. These cultural efforts helped reshape the collective consciousness of marginalized communities by replacing feelings of inferiority with pride in their own history and traditions.

The movement further established schools, community centres, religious institutions, and social organizations that strengthened community solidarity. These institutions became centres for education, cultural activities, and social mobilization, thereby creating an enduring infrastructure for Dalit empowerment. Through its emphasis on self-respect and cultural assertion, the movement laid the foundations for later developments in Dalit literature, religious movements, and identity politics in Punjab.

Despite its achievements, the Ad-Dharm Movement also had certain limitations. Its influence remained concentrated primarily in the Doaba region of Punjab and among specific Dalit communities, particularly the Chamars. It faced strong resistance from dominant caste groups and lacked the organizational resources needed for sustained expansion. After Independence, many of its followers increasingly identified themselves under broader Scheduled Caste or Ravidasia identities, leading to a gradual decline in the movement's independent organizational structure. Internal divisions and changing political circumstances also weakened its long-term institutional influence.

Nevertheless, the relevance of the Ad-Dharm Movement remains significant in contemporary India. Although constitutional safeguards have abolished untouchability and guaranteed equality before the law, caste-based discrimination continues to persist in various forms. The movement's emphasis on dignity, equality, education, and self-respect continues to inspire struggles against social exclusion and discrimination. Its legacy is reflected in the continued assertion of Dalit identity and the growing demand for social justice across India.

Politically, the movement remains relevant because identity-based mobilization continues to shape democratic politics in Punjab and elsewhere. The demand for adequate representation in political institutions, educational opportunities, and public employment echoes many of the concerns first articulated by the Ad-Dharm leadership. The movement demonstrated that social equality requires not only legal rights but also political participation and collective organization.

Culturally, the influence of the Ad-Dharm Movement can still be seen in the continued reverence for Guru Ravidas, the establishment of Ravidas temples and community organizations, and the celebration of Dalit cultural traditions. These institutions continue to serve as centres of social solidarity and cultural pride. The movement also anticipated many themes that later became central to Dalit literature, including the assertion of identity, resistance against oppression, and the quest for dignity.

From a constitutional perspective, the ideals of the Ad-Dharm Movement closely correspond with the values enshrined in the Constitution of India, particularly justice, liberty, equality, and fraternity. Its commitment to eliminating caste discrimination and ensuring equal opportunities reflects the constitutional vision of an inclusive and democratic society. The movement therefore continues to provide important lessons for contemporary efforts aimed at achieving social justice and inclusive development.

In conclusion, the Ad-Dharm Movement represented a landmark in the history of Dalit assertion in Punjab. It transformed the struggle against caste oppression into a comprehensive movement for religious identity, social equality, political representation, and cultural self-respect. By empowering marginalized communities to challenge discrimination and assert their own identity, the movement laid the foundation for later Dalit movements in northern India. Although its organizational influence diminished after Independence, its principles continue to inspire efforts toward equality, dignity, and social justice. The Ad-Dharm Movement thus remains an important chapter in India's democratic and social reform tradition, demonstrating that true social transformation requires both structural change and the assertion of human dignity.

Socio-Economic and Political position of Dalits in Punjab

 

Socio-Economic and Political position of Dalits in Punjab

SR Darapuri, National President, All India Peoples Front

The socio-economic and political position of Dalits in Punjab, India, reflects a complex interplay of demographic strength, systemic marginalization, and evolving political dynamics. Below is a concise overview based on available information:

Socio-Economic Position

- Demographic Significance: Dalits constitute approximately 32% of Punjab’s population, the highest proportion of any Indian state, with major castes including Mazhabi Sikhs and Chamars

- Economic Marginalization: Despite their numerical strength, Dalits own less than 2-3.5% of agricultural land in Punjab, compared to the dominant Jat caste (about 20% of the population) owning around 95%. Most Dalits are landless labourers, often working underpaid jobs, which exacerbates economic inequality. Higher minimum support prices (MSP) for crops can further harm them as net food buyers.

- Social Exclusion: Dalits face persistent caste-based discrimination, including separate cremation grounds and restricted access to some Gurudwaras (Sikh places of worship). Ghettoization remains common, even in urban areas, with Dalits often segregated socially and spatially.

- Occupational Shifts: Many Dalits have moved away from traditional caste-based occupations and the agrarian economy, seeking alternative livelihoods. However, this has not significantly improved their economic status due to limited access to resources and opportunities.

- Government Support: Initiatives like MGNREGA (Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act), housing plots, pensions, and post-matric scholarships aim to uplift Dalits, but implementation gaps limit their impact.

Political Position

- Political Participation: Dalits in Punjab have historically faced political marginalization, with less than 10% representation in government despite their population size. Of Punjab’s 117 assembly seats, 34 are reserved for Scheduled Castes, reflecting their demographic weight but not necessarily their influence.

- Political Mobilization: Dalit politics in Punjab is evolving, with attempts to consolidate their vote bank. The Congress party’s appointment of Charanjit Singh Channi as Punjab’s first Dalit Chief Minister in 2021 was seen as a strategic move to appeal to Dalit voters, though its long-term impact remains debated. The failure of the “Channi experiment” highlights the complexity of Dalit identity and political aspirations in Punjab)

- Caste and Political Dynamics: Political participation is shaped by caste clashes, often rooted in demands for land and social equality. Dalit political movements in Punjab are fragmented, with some aligning with mainstream parties and others seeking autonomy through regional or caste-based organizations

- Cultural and Religious Influence: Deras (religious sects) play a significant role in mobilizing Dalit communities, offering spiritual and social support while influencing political alignments. This adds a layer of complexity to Dalit political identity.

 Key Challenges

- Land Disparity: The stark contrast in land ownership (e.g., Dalits owning 0.72-3.5% vs. Jatts owning 95%) fuels economic and social inequality.

- Social Stigma: Despite constitutional protections and affirmative action, caste-based discrimination persists, limiting social mobility.

- Political Fragmentation: While Dalits have numerical strength, their political influence is diluted by internal divisions and lack of cohesive leadership).

Recent Developments

- Posts on X and web sources indicate growing awareness of Dalit issues, with calls for better land redistribution, economic opportunities, and political representation. However, systemic barriers and resistance from dominant castes continue to hinder progress.

- The 2022 Punjab elections highlighted the Dalit vote’s potential to reshape political dynamics, though outcomes suggest limited structural change.

Conclusion

Dalits in Punjab are a significant demographic group but remain socio-economically disadvantaged due to limited land ownership, occupational restrictions, and social exclusion. Politically, they are gaining visibility but face challenges in translating numerical strength into proportional power. Ongoing efforts through government schemes and political mobilization aim to address these issues, but deep-rooted caste hierarchies and economic disparities pose persistent obstacles.

Future of Dalit Class in India

 

Future of Dalit Class in India

- Bhagwan Das

(April 23, 1927 – November 18, 2010)

(Note: Although Bhagwan Das ji had written this article in 2001, the shortcomings and weaknesses of the Dalit class in which he had identified and predicted the dark future of the Dalit class, are proving to be completely correct today. Therefore, to secure their future, the Dalits should adopt Buddhism and fight for their rights by forming a strong organization. And the responsibility of establishing a classless society rests on them - S.R. Darapuri.)

(Translation from Hindi to English by SR Darapuri, National President, All India Peoples Front)

It is not possible to make predictions about any individual, community, or group. Only astrologers claim to know or talk about the future, which is mostly based on guesswork and is proven wrong. But still, most of the people in our country believe more in Hindu astrology. Marriages are solemnized by asking the astrologer for auspicious time. The foundations of buildings are laid by consulting astrologers. Election papers are filed after consulting astrologers. But still women become widows and marriages fail. Buildings collapse and people win and lose elections.

But looking at the present-day leaders and keeping in mind the experiences of history, some estimates can be made. They too are sometimes proven wrong. For example, according to the famous scholar and thinker Karl Marx, born in Germany at the end of the 19th century, proletarian dictatorship will be established in the period before the Communist revolution. Then it will establish socialism and finally communism will come in which there will be neither an exploiter nor the exploited. But nothing like this happened. On the contrary, the first experiment done in Russia failed.

Nevertheless, by properly collecting and analyzing the facts, some estimates prove to largely be correct. For example, the book “Thoughts on Pakistan” written by Dr. Babasaheb Bhimrao Ambedkar about the establishment of Pakistan in 1940 proved to largely be correct.

Dalits and Minority Groups There is a difference between the Scheduled Castes and the minority groups – Muslims, Christians, Sikhs, Persians, Jews etc. What binds the minority people is the identity of religion or race, but what binds the Scheduled Castes is only a list given in the Constitution, not a separate identity.

Before 1935, there was a long list of Untouchable and Backward Castes, but at that time, the Shudra and untouchable castes were obsessed with being called upper caste Hindus. Every caste claimed to be Brahmin/Thakur. Congress and other Hindu political and social parties carried out vigorous propaganda to take advantage of this weakness of the Untouchables and Backward Castes.

Their interest was that the number of Dalits should not appear large and the population of Hindus should not decrease. The British Government added grounds or criteria to solve the difficulties arising from untouchability and created a new list which was called Scheduled Castes Order. 429 castes were included in it. In this too, the Jatava caste of Western Uttar Pradesh held meetings at many places and protested against their inclusion in the Scheduled Castes because some of the leaders, who were victims of Arya Samaj's propaganda, claimed that they were descendants of Krishna and were Rajputs. They should not be included in the list of Chamars. In some districts, the name of Jatavas was removed from the Scheduled Caste. The Dhanukas also protested in a similar manner. Their name was also removed from the list in some states. Same thing happened with the people of Dhobhi caste also. The Kolis in Himachal were trying to become “small Rajputs” because the Arya Samaj had a lot of influence on them.

A new constitution was made in 1949 which came into effect from 26.11.1949. A separate list was also added to the new Constitution which was much longer than the old Constitution. It includes more than 900 castes. In the new Constitution, under Article 341, the President has been given the right to specify the Scheduled Castes and the Parliament has been given the right to add or delete names. Parliament decides who is considered scheduled and who is not. In 1930-35 many castes wanted to be left out of the list of Depressed Classes, today many are demanding inclusion.

Thus, the identity of the Scheduled Castes depends only on the Parliament or the Supreme Court. There is nothing else connecting them. If their names are removed from the list, they will not remain untouchable in the eyes of law.

Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar made many efforts to unite the Dalits across India. The first attempt was made in 1927 in the form of a mass movement to take water from Chaudar Talab in Maharashtra. Apart from the Mahars, many other untouchable castes cooperated in the struggle, but after this movement, no other movement was launched for human and civil rights. To achieve his goal, Babasaheb continued his struggle for promotion of education and political rights and achieved success.

The second attempt was made to form a political party. The first political party was the Independent Labor Party, which was founded in 1936, but it was not only a party of the untouchables. Its objective was to uplift the working class. In this, apart from castes like Mahar, Chamar, Mang, Mehtar etc., upper caste Hindus also became member MLAs but its jurisdiction was only Bombay province.

The second attempt took place in 1942 when for the first time in the history of the untouchables, an independent party of the untouchables was established. This party was named Scheduled Castes Federation. People from many untouchable castes joined this party and an organization was formally formed. But this organization was for political gains, its foundation was weak. The biggest weakness was the caste system of the untouchables. The castes like Chamar, Khatik, Bhangi, Mehtar, Dhobi, Mala, Madiga etc. are formed only based on different professions but due to the education and side effects of Hindu religion, they consider each other as inferior and practice untouchability. It is not possible to form an organization in such circumstances. For this reason, when atrocities occur, they are unable to unite and either fight or help.

The sentiments of casteism are so strong that if people of one caste convert to one religion, people of another religion will stay away from that religion. If people of one caste join a party, people of another caste will stay away from it. Even within the party, caste is taken into consideration while distributing posts and tickets. Due to this, every party remains a party of one caste like the Republican Party in Maharashtra or the Bahujan Samaj Party in North India. Many parties come into existence due to casteism but a good organization is not formed.

Babasaheb tried to make the third attempt through religious conversion but he died after 53 days of starting this movement. And the religious movement which could have broken the caste system and created a new identity unit, could not be formed. Religious conversion fell victim to the same weaknesses that political movements did.

Most of the leadership of this movement were political leaders, they could not give the right direction to the religious conversion movement. They tried to run politics and religion in the same manner. This caused more damage to the religious movement.

Babasaheb had suggested many ways for progress and had made many provisions in the Constitution. These benefits have reached the untouchable castes even though he worked for the awakening and upliftment of all the untouchables. He had very few followers. Most of the people took advantage of those provisions and facilities but did not accept his teachings. They did not want to be free from the slavery of Hindu religion and caste system. Being victims of slavery for centuries, they had started loving slavery. The speeches of Bharatiya Janata Party ministers, MPs, and MLAs from backward castes after the demolition of Babri Masjid are a good proof of this.

Today, on the one hand, atrocities on Dalits are increasing all over India, and on the other hand, opposition to reservation is increasing. The doors of progress are being closed through privatization, on the other hand Dalits are not organized even in any one area. Those young men who want to take up politics as their field of work, do not consider joining politics but entering the Parliament and Legislative Assembly as politics. Instead of adopting the difficult path of struggle, renunciation, sacrifice, and mass movement, they join those parties which have more hope of winning them a seat or which can give them more money. They remain more loyal to their masters in the Parliament and Legislative Assembly. In the eyes of Dalits, Ram is neither their ideal male hero nor God because he was a supporter of Brahminism and Varna system and when he regained consciousness, he committed suicide by taking water samadhi in Saryu River but the people of Shudra castes got the voice from their masters due to ignorance and political selfishness. They are praising him. What could be more proof of backwardness and slavery than this?

Movements in the interests of the poor/labourers and vulnerable people, distribution of land, fight against unemployment, inflation, corruption are not run by parties, nor by youth looking for “political jobs.” He does not believe in such “useless” activities. This is how power will come into our hands and then we will do whatever we want. Once upon a time, Congress also used to raise similar slogans. Bahujan Samaj Party also used to raise similar slogans but after coming to power, it did nothing for the upliftment of Dalits.

The untouchables could not launch a movement for distribution of land, whereas the Republican Party, understanding its importance, had launched a big movement in 1964-65 and had achieved great success. Farm labourers, small farmers, artisans, untouchables, and people from backward classes started considering it as their party but its urban leaders remained entangled in urban problems. That party broke into pieces due to the weaknesses of the leadership and the caste system and wrong election laws. Congress and other parties did a great job in breaking it because it was becoming a big threat to them.

The untouchables could not organize due to caste sentiments. They love caste so much that they are unable to give up their attachment even after going abroad. Organization is not possible without discrimination and hatred.

It does not seem possible that they will ever gain political power through elections under the laws and systems prevalent today.

Some people have benefited from reservation but very few of those who have benefited from reservation have worked to uplift the society but reservation is not a permanent thing. If the number of educated people increases and unemployment among educated youth increases, then reservation will become meaningless.

People who follow Hindu religion and caste system as ideal are becoming powerful day by day. They want to establish Ramrajya (Hindu Rashtra) and many people from Dalit and Shudra castes are helping them in establishing Ramrajya. Ramrajya would mean caste system and rule of the upper castes. This Constitution which claims equality, talks about rights will be abolished in Ramraj because Ramrajya was a state of inequality. There was a kingdom of injustice in which Shudras and women did not have the right to live with dignity.

In these circumstances the future of the untouchables is in danger. They have no friends and no allies. Some people can form organizations to come to power in a sporadic manner but are unable to get organized. The most pathetic condition seems to be of those who claim to be Ambedkarites. Now people have started laughing at them because while they criticize the Brahmins on the stage, in their daily life they follow the rules, highs and lows, superstitions and customs made by them. They do not consider it a mistake to remain as Mahars, Chamars, Bhangis and Khatiks even after adopting Buddhism. They do not want to learn anything from history.

Given these circumstances and weaknesses, the future of Dalits seems bleak. The intoxicating and dangerous slogans of “Hindutva” will cause great harm to Dalits. Gandhi and Congress had prevented them from organizing and had created obstacles in creating their identity. Tried to keep them away from other minorities. The main reason for this was that they wanted to strengthen Hindu religion. Leadership in Congress was in the hands of people from the so-called upper castes.

Now the party that came to power on the slogan of Hindutva is also doing the same thing that Congress had been doing. Make the untouchables fight with the Sikhs and then defame them by blackening their faces. Make the untouchables fight the Muslims so that they cannot gather. Promote Hindu customs and casteism among the untouchables so that they cannot organize themselves and create a threat to them. There may be a difference in the methods of the two parties but not in the objectives.

It is in the interest of Dalits that they should follow the path shown by Babasaheb Ambedkar and become free from the slavery of casteism, conservatism and customs and create their own identity. Remove the influence and traces of Hindu religion from your life considering it as poison. In clear words, they should free themselves from the slavery of Hindu religion. Separate your name, lifestyle, food habits, clothes, everything, create your own identity. Build a new society, a new social and economic system based on the principles of Buddhism. Only then will they be able to live with dignity in the times to come and will be able to liberate the victims of their kind of exploitation.

Hindu religion is the main reason for slavery, backwardness, poverty, illiteracy, ignorance, mental and physical weakness, and disorganization of Dalits. For progress, and a life with dignity, it is as important to be completely free from this slavery as it is for a slave country to be free.

(Bhagwan Das was a colleague of Dr. Ambedkar. It was he who took the issue of untouchability in the Indian subcontinent to the international level. In 1983, he presented this issue in the UNO)