Showing posts with label State Power. Show all posts
Showing posts with label State Power. Show all posts

Monday, 21 September 2026

UN CERD and India: Caste, Tribal Rights, Minority Protection and the Crisis of Substantive Equality

 

UN CERD and India: Caste, Tribal Rights, Minority Protection and the Crisis of Substantive Equality

SR Darapuri I.P.S.(Retd)

     

Introduction

India's Constitution established a powerful framework of equality, liberty, social justice and protection against discrimination. It abolished untouchability, provided affirmative action for Scheduled Castes (SCs) and Scheduled Tribes (STs), guaranteed equality before law, and created institutional safeguards for historically oppressed communities. Yet the persistence of caste discrimination, tribal dispossession, minority insecurity and unequal access to public institutions demonstrates that constitutional guarantees do not automatically produce substantive equality.

The recent observations of the United Nations Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (CERD), following its examination of India's combined twentieth and twenty-first periodic reports in 2026 first after 2007, bring these questions into an international human-rights framework. The Committee examined not only conventional forms of racial discrimination but also discrimination based on descent, caste, ethnicity and other forms of inherited or group-based status. Its observations cover Dalits, Adivasis and other Indigenous and Tribal peoples, religious and ethnic minorities, migrants and asylum seekers, policing, citizenship, land rights and institutional representation.

The significance of the CERD review therefore lies less in any single allegation than in the interconnected picture it presents: formal equality may coexist with persistent structural inequality. The central issue is whether India's constitutional commitment to equality has been translated into effective equality in social, economic, political and institutional life.

Caste and the International Human-Rights Framework

One of the most important aspects of the CERD observations is the Committee's treatment of caste discrimination within the concept of discrimination based on "descent" under the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (ICERD).

This position has particular significance in the Indian context. Caste is not simply an individual prejudice or an isolated social practice. It has historically organised social status, occupation, residence, marriage, access to resources and political power. The Constitution recognised the depth of this problem by abolishing untouchability under Article 17 and establishing affirmative-action provisions for historically disadvantaged communities.

The Indian state has also enacted specific legislation, including the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989, and laws prohibiting manual scavenging and bonded labour.

CERD acknowledged these constitutional and legislative measures while expressing concern about their implementation. The Committee's observations therefore point toward an important distinction between the existence of protective law and the effectiveness of its enforcement.

This distinction is central to understanding contemporary caste inequality. A legal prohibition may establish equality in principle, while social institutions, economic structures and administrative practices continue to reproduce inequality in practice.

Dalit Exclusion and the Persistence of Untouchability

The Committee expressed concern regarding continuing forms of exclusion affecting Dalits. These include segregation, unequal access to housing and basic services, discrimination in education, caste-based violence and restrictions affecting social and religious participation.

The persistence of such practices illustrates the difference between the constitutional abolition of untouchability and the social abolition of caste hierarchy.

Article 17 represents one of the strongest constitutional statements against caste oppression. Yet the existence of a constitutional prohibition does not by itself eliminate the social structures through which caste is reproduced. Segregated settlements, unequal access to water and sanitation, discrimination in schools, caste-based occupational practices and violence against those challenging traditional caste boundaries can continue even under a formally egalitarian legal order.

The CERD observations consequently raise the question of whether India's anti-discrimination framework should move beyond prohibition of particular acts toward a more comprehensive approach addressing structural and institutional discrimination.

Manual Scavenging: Caste and the Organisation of Labour

The persistence of manual scavenging represents one of the clearest examples of the relationship between caste and economic inequality.

India has enacted legislation prohibiting manual scavenging and requiring rehabilitation of affected workers. Yet the continued association of sanitation work involving hazardous human waste with historically marginalised communities demonstrates the difficulty of eliminating caste-based occupational structures.

From an Ambedkarite perspective, this problem cannot be reduced to poverty. Caste historically assigned occupations according to inherited social status. Consequently, emancipation requires not merely increasing income but dismantling the social mechanisms that reproduce hereditary occupational inequality.

CERD's concerns regarding manual scavenging, bonded labour and enforcement therefore have implications beyond labour regulation. They raise the larger question of whether economic development can be considered inclusive when particular communities remain disproportionately concentrated in degrading and hazardous occupations.

Tribal and Indigenous Rights

The Committee also raised concerns concerning Indigenous and Tribal peoples, including land alienation, displacement and development projects affecting their communities.

For many Adivasi communities, land is simultaneously an economic resource, a source of cultural identity and the foundation of community life. Displacement therefore has consequences extending far beyond the loss of individual property.

India possesses important constitutional and statutory protections for tribal communities, including the Fifth and Sixth Schedules, the Panchayats (Extension to Scheduled Areas) Act, 1996 (PESA), and the Forest Rights Act, 2006.

The Forest Rights Act in particular recognises certain individual and community forest rights and seeks to correct historical injustices against forest-dwelling communities.

CERD's observations underline the importance of implementing these laws effectively, particularly where infrastructure, mining, conservation, tourism or other development projects affect tribal land and resources.

The question is therefore not simply whether development should occur, but how development decisions are made, who participates in them, who bears their costs and who receives their benefits.

Development, Displacement and Consent

The Committee's concerns regarding displacement demonstrate the tension between economic development and social justice.

Large infrastructure projects, extractive industries, conservation programmes and strategic projects can produce significant public benefits. At the same time, they can impose disproportionate costs on communities with limited political and economic power.

For Indigenous and Tribal communities, meaningful consultation and participation are therefore critical. Where communities are displaced without adequate consultation, rehabilitation or participation in decision-making, development can reproduce historical patterns of marginalisation.

CERD's recommendations concerning free, prior and informed consent reflect an international human-rights principle that communities should not simply be treated as passive recipients of development decisions.

This principle is particularly relevant in areas governed by PESA and the Forest Rights Act, where the Gram Sabha has an important statutory role.

Religious Minorities and Intersectional Discrimination

Another important dimension of the CERD observations concerns religious minorities, particularly Muslims and Christians, as well as members of Scheduled Castes and Tribes belonging to religious minorities.

Discrimination can operate through more than one identity simultaneously. A person may experience disadvantage because of caste, religion, gender, ethnicity, tribal identity or economic status, with these forms of disadvantage interacting with each other.

This is commonly described as intersectional discrimination.

The Committee raised concerns regarding hate speech, hate crimes, violence and the protection of minority communities. It also considered questions concerning access to constitutional protections for members of historically disadvantaged communities belonging to different religious groups.

These issues demonstrate that equality policy cannot always be designed around a single category. Effective protection may require attention to the interaction between caste, religion, gender, class and ethnicity.

Policing, State Power and Human Rights

CERD also raised serious concerns regarding alleged excessive use of force, arbitrary detention, torture, ill-treatment, extrajudicial killings and other violations affecting vulnerable communities.

These concerns are particularly significant because the police represent the everyday face of state authority for many citizens.

The constitutional promise of equality depends substantially on whether police and other state agencies apply the law impartially. If vulnerable communities experience law enforcement differently from socially powerful groups, formal equality before law becomes weakened in practice.

The solution is not simply stronger policing. It requires lawful policing—policing subject to constitutional safeguards, judicial oversight, accountability mechanisms, professional standards and effective remedies for victims.

India's Supreme Court has developed significant safeguards concerning arrest, detention, custodial violence and police accountability. The challenge is ensuring that such safeguards operate consistently at the ground level.

Migrants, Refugees and Citizenship

CERD also examined concerns relating to Rohingya, Bengali-speaking Muslims, migrants and asylum seekers, including allegations of discriminatory identity checks, arbitrary detention and deportation.

The Committee recommended safeguards against discrimination and statelessness and highlighted the principle of non-refoulement, under which individuals should not be returned to places where they face serious risks to their fundamental rights.

The Committee also examined concerns surrounding citizenship processes in Assam, including the National Register of Citizens.

Citizenship is particularly important because exclusion from citizenship can affect access to political participation, public services, legal protection and social security. Consequently, citizenship procedures must incorporate due process and effective opportunities for individuals to challenge adverse decisions.

Representation and Institutional Equality

The CERD observations also draw attention to representation in public institutions.

India's reservation system has significantly altered representation in legislatures, educational institutions and public employment. Yet representation remains uneven across institutions and levels of authority.

The question is therefore not simply whether members of disadvantaged communities are present in institutions, but whether they have meaningful access to decision-making positions and institutional power.

This issue is particularly relevant to the judiciary, police, administration and other institutions exercising considerable public authority.

Institutional diversity does not automatically guarantee equality, but the absence of diversity can make historically marginalised communities more vulnerable to institutional exclusion.

From Formal Equality to Substantive Equality

The most important conceptual lesson emerging from the CERD observations is the distinction between formal equality and substantive equality.

Formal equality means that the law does not openly discriminate.

Substantive equality asks a deeper question: do historically disadvantaged communities actually enjoy comparable opportunities, resources, security and access to institutions?

For example, a school may formally admit children from every caste while Dalit students continue to experience discrimination within the school. A law may prohibit untouchability while caste segregation persists in villages. Tribal communities may possess legal rights to forests while administrative decisions continue to undermine those rights. Minorities may enjoy formal constitutional citizenship while experiencing discriminatory treatment in particular institutional contexts.

Substantive equality therefore requires more than equal treatment. It may require affirmative measures, institutional reform, redistribution, effective enforcement and mechanisms for participation.

An Ambedkarite Interpretation

The CERD observations resonate strongly with several central elements of Dr. B.R. Ambedkar's analysis of Indian society.

Ambedkar distinguished political democracy from social democracy. In his view, democracy could not survive merely through constitutional institutions if society remained structured by graded inequality.

His emphasis on liberty, equality and fraternity was therefore not merely philosophical. These principles represented the social conditions necessary for democratic citizenship.

Caste presented a particular challenge because it created a system of graded social inequality in which different groups occupied different positions in a hierarchy. Political equality could consequently coexist with profound social inequality.

The CERD observations, although formulated within the framework of international human rights rather than Ambedkarite political theory, raise a related problem: whether legal equality is sufficient when social structures continue to generate unequal outcomes.

From this perspective, the report's concerns regarding caste, tribal rights, minority protection, policing and representation can be understood as interconnected dimensions of the problem of substantive citizenship.

The Gap Between Law and Implementation

India possesses an extensive constitutional and legislative framework protecting disadvantaged communities. The challenge identified by CERD is substantially an implementation challenge.

This gap can arise from several factors:

1.     inadequate enforcement of protective legislation;

2.     weak accountability mechanisms;

3.     under-reporting of discrimination and violence;

4.     delays in investigation and prosecution;

5.     inadequate rehabilitation of victims;

6.     unequal access to legal assistance;

7.     administrative discrimination;

8.     inadequate institutional representation; and

9.     insufficient participation of affected communities in policymaking.

Consequently, the existence of progressive legislation should not be confused with its effective implementation.

A rights-based democracy requires not only good laws but also accessible institutions capable of enforcing those laws impartially.

India's Response and the Importance of Dialogue

The CERD observations should also be understood within the framework of India's sovereignty and its international treaty obligations.

The observations of a UN treaty body are not equivalent to a judgment of an Indian court. They constitute the Committee's assessment and recommendations under ICERD.

The Government of India has disputed aspects of the Committee's assessment and rejected some of the characterisations concerning human-rights violations. These differences should be acknowledged rather than obscured.

At the same time, international review can provide an additional mechanism through which governments, civil society organisations and affected communities examine the implementation of human-rights commitments.

The appropriate response to such scrutiny is therefore a substantive engagement with the evidence, rather than treating international observations either as unquestionable verdicts or as matters that can simply be dismissed.

Towards a More Inclusive Constitutional Democracy

The issues raised by CERD suggest several broad areas requiring continued attention.

First, anti-discrimination law needs effective implementation and accessible remedies.

Second, laws protecting Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes must be enforced consistently.

Third, manual scavenging and caste-linked hazardous occupations require stronger prevention, rehabilitation and accountability.

Fourth, tribal land and forest rights require effective implementation, particularly in areas affected by development and conservation projects.

Fifth, policing must remain subject to constitutional limitations, independent investigation and effective accountability.

Sixth, minority rights require protection against discrimination and violence irrespective of political or social circumstances.

Seventh, citizenship procedures must incorporate due process and safeguards against statelessness.

Finally, representation of historically marginalised communities in institutions of public authority needs continued attention.

Conclusion

The 2026 CERD observations on India provide an important international assessment of persistent inequalities involving caste, tribal and Indigenous communities, religious minorities, migrants and other vulnerable groups. They acknowledge India's constitutional and legislative framework while drawing attention to gaps between legal guarantees and their implementation.

The central issue is therefore not whether India possesses equality provisions—it clearly does—but whether those provisions produce substantive equality in everyday life.

The persistence of caste discrimination, manual scavenging, tribal displacement, minority insecurity, institutional exclusion and allegations of discriminatory policing demonstrates that constitutional democracy requires continuous institutional work. Equality must be experienced not merely as a constitutional promise but as a social reality.

For an Ambedkarite understanding of democracy, this is fundamental. Political democracy cannot remain secure when social democracy is absent. Liberty without equality permits hierarchy; equality without fraternity cannot create social solidarity; and constitutional rights without effective institutions remain vulnerable.

The CERD review thus provides an opportunity for India to examine the distance between constitutional morality and social practice, legal equality and substantive equality, and democratic citizenship and lived citizenship. Its lasting significance will depend not simply on the Committee's observations but on the extent to which the underlying concerns are examined through evidence, public debate, institutional accountability and democratic reform.

Thursday, 2 April 2026

Dalit Resistance, Judicial Intervention, and State Power

 

Dalit Resistance, Judicial Intervention, and State Power:

The SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act Judgment and the 2 April 2018 Protests

SR Darapuri, National President, All India Peoples Front

Introduction

The relationship between law, caste, and state power in India has always been deeply contested. While the Indian Constitution promises equality and justice, the persistence of caste-based oppression continues to challenge these ideals. The Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989 (PoA Act) was enacted as a corrective legal mechanism to address systemic caste violence. However, the Supreme Court’s 2018 judgment in Subhash Kashinath Mahajan v. State of Maharashtra triggered widespread controversy and resistance among Dalit communities.

The nationwide protests on 2 April 2018, often referred to as the Bharat Bandh, were not merely reactions to a judicial decision but expressions of accumulated grievances against structural inequality. The violent state response to these protests further intensified debates about constitutional morality, democratic rights, and the nature of state power.

This essay examines the Dalit opposition to the Supreme Court judgment and critically analyzes the events of 2 April 2018 as a moment of both democratic assertion and state repression.

The PoA Act and the Historical Context of Caste Violence

Caste-based violence in India cannot be understood as isolated incidents; rather, it is embedded in a long history of social exclusion, economic exploitation, and cultural domination. Scholars such as Gail Omvedt (1994) and Gopal Guru (2011) have emphasized that caste oppression operates through everyday practices of humiliation and structural inequality.

The PoA Act, enacted in 1989, was a response to the inadequacy of general criminal law in addressing caste-specific crimes. It recognized that Dalits and Adivasis face unique vulnerabilities due to entrenched social hierarchies. The Act introduced stringent provisions, including immediate arrest of the accused, special courts, and enhanced punishments.

Data from the National Crime Records Bureau consistently show a high incidence of reported atrocities against Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (NCRB 2017; 2018). These figures likely underrepresent the actual scale of violence due to underreporting, fear of retaliation, and institutional barriers.

Anand Teltumbde (2010) argues that caste violence must be understood within the broader framework of power relations, where dominant castes maintain control over resources and social status. In this context, the PoA Act functions not merely as a legal instrument but as a symbolic assertion of Dalit rights.

The Supreme Court Judgment of 2018

On 20 March 2018, the Supreme Court of India delivered its judgment in Subhash Kashinath Mahajan v. State of Maharashtra. The Court introduced procedural safeguards aimed at preventing alleged misuse of the PoA Act.

These included:

  • A preliminary inquiry before the registration of a First Information Report (FIR)
  • Prior approval for the arrest of public servants
  • The allowance of anticipatory bail

The Court justified these measures by citing concerns about false cases and the need to protect innocent individuals from arbitrary arrest.

From a doctrinal perspective, the judgment reflects a liberal legal emphasis on due process and individual rights. However, critics argue that such an approach abstracts legal reasoning from social realities. Upendra Baxi (2018) contends that the judgment exemplifies a “context-blind jurisprudence” that fails to account for the structural nature of caste oppression.

Dalit Opposition: A Structural Critique

The Dalit response to the judgment was immediate and widespread. Protests erupted across the country, culminating in the nationwide bandh on 2 April 2018. The opposition was rooted in a deep skepticism of the Court’s reasoning and its implications.

Structural Nature of Oppression

Drawing on the thought of B. R. Ambedkar, Dalit activists argued that caste is a system of graded inequality that cannot be addressed through neutral legal principles alone (Ambedkar 1936). The requirement of a preliminary inquiry before FIR registration was seen as a barrier to justice in a system where victims already face significant obstacles.

The “Misuse” Narrative

One of the central justifications for the judgment was the alleged misuse of the PoA Act. However, empirical research suggests that false cases are not a significant issue. Instead, low conviction rates are often due to poor investigation and hostile social environments (Shah et al. 2006).

The emphasis on misuse is therefore seen as reflecting dominant caste anxieties rather than empirical reality.

Weakening Deterrence

The provision for immediate arrest under the original Act served as a deterrent against caste violence. By introducing procedural delays, the judgment was perceived as weakening this deterrence and emboldening perpetrators.

Judicial Overreach

Critics also argued that the Court had effectively amended the law, encroaching upon the legislative domain. This raised broader concerns about the balance of power between the judiciary and Parliament.

The 2 April 2018 Protests: Dalit Assertion

The protests on 2 April 2018 represented one of the largest mobilizations of Dalits in recent history. They were characterized by decentralized organization, with significant participation from rural and urban areas alike.

Christophe Jaffrelot (2019) interprets these protests as part of a broader transformation in Dalit politics, where new forms of mobilization are emerging outside traditional party structures. Social media played a crucial role in coordinating actions and disseminating information.

The protests were not merely reactive but constituted a form of political assertion. They reflected a collective demand for dignity, recognition, and protection under the law.

Violence and State Response

The protests were accompanied by widespread violence and a strong state response. Reports indicated that more than a dozen people were killed, and thousands were arrested.

Civil liberties organizations such as the People's Union for Civil Liberties documented instances of: Police firing on protestors, Arbitrary arrests and detentions and Excessive use of force

In several regions, Dalit communities reported retaliatory violence by dominant caste groups and inadequate police protection.

State Action as Structural Oppression

The characterization of the state’s response as oppressive is supported by several factors.

First, the use of disproportionate force against largely marginalized protestors raises questions about the state’s commitment to democratic rights. While maintaining law and order is a legitimate function, the scale and intensity of repression suggest a deeper bias.

Second, the criminalization of protest reflects a broader trend in which dissenting voices are framed as threats to public order. This is particularly significant in the case of Dalit movements, which challenge entrenched social hierarchies.

Third, the failure to protect Dalit communities from retaliatory violence indicates a structural bias within state institutions. As Gopal Guru (2011) argues, the state often reproduces existing social inequalities rather than challenging them.

From an Ambedkarite perspective, such actions represent a violation of constitutional morality, which requires the state to actively protect the rights of marginalized groups.

Media and Public Discourse

The representation of the protests in mainstream media often emphasized violence and disruption, framing the events as a law-and-order problem. This narrative tended to obscure the underlying grievances and structural issues.

In contrast, alternative media and Dalit scholars highlighted the legitimacy of the protests and the historical context of caste oppression. Anand Teltumbde (2018) describes this divergence as a form of epistemic marginalization, where dominant narratives exclude subaltern perspectives.

Legislative Response and Aftermath

The scale of the protests compelled the government to act. Parliament passed the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Amendment Act, 2018, which effectively nullified the Supreme Court’s directives and restored the original provisions of the law.

This legislative response demonstrates the power of collective mobilization in shaping public policy. It also underscores the continuing importance of the PoA Act as a tool for social justice.

Theoretical Implications

The events of 2018 highlight several broader theoretical issues.

Formal vs Substantive Equality

The tension between formal legal principles and substantive social justice is central to this episode. While the Court emphasized due process, Dalit movements emphasized the need for context-sensitive protections.

Law as a Site of Struggle

The controversy illustrates that law is not a neutral instrument but a site of contestation shaped by competing interests and power relations.

Democracy and Marginalized Voices

The protests underscore the importance of collective action in a democracy. They reveal both the possibilities and limitations of institutional mechanisms in addressing social injustice.

Conclusion

The Supreme Court’s 2018 judgment on the PoA Act and the subsequent protests of 2 April represent a critical moment in India’s socio-legal history. The Dalit opposition to the judgment was rooted in a deep understanding of caste as a structural phenomenon, one that cannot be adequately addressed through formal legalism alone.

The state’s response to the protests raises serious questions about the nature of democratic governance and the protection of marginalized communities. While the legislative reversal of the judgment reflects the success of popular mobilization, the underlying issues remain unresolved.

Ultimately, the episode reaffirms the continuing relevance of Ambedkar’s vision of social democracy, in which legal equality must be accompanied by substantive justice.

References

Ambedkar, B. R. 1936. Annihilation of Caste.
Baxi, Upendra. 2018. “The Supreme Court and the SC/ST Act Judgment.”
Guru, Gopal. 2011. Humiliation: Claims and Context.
Jaffrelot, Christophe. 2019. India’s Silent Revolution.
Omvedt, Gail. 1994. Dalits and the Democratic Revolution.
Shah, Ghanshyam et al. 2006. Untouchability in Rural India.
Teltumbde, Anand. 2010. The Persistence of Caste.
Teltumbde, Anand. 2018. “The SC/ST Act Judgment and Its Implications.”
National Crime Records Bureau. 2017, 2018. Crime in India Reports.
People’s Union for Civil Liberties. 2018. Fact-finding reports on April 2 protests.

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