Showing posts with label unemployment. Show all posts
Showing posts with label unemployment. Show all posts

Tuesday, 12 May 2026

How Far Is the Modi Government Responsible for India’s Present Economic Crisis?

 

How Far Is the Modi Government Responsible for India’s Present Economic Crisis?

SR Darapuri I.P.S.(Retd)

Introduction

The Indian economy in recent years has faced a complex set of challenges including slowing growth, unemployment, inflation, declining consumption demand, agrarian distress, and rising inequality. Although India continues to be described as one of the fastest-growing major economies in the world, serious concerns remain regarding the quality, sustainability, and inclusiveness of this growth. The recent appeal by the government for austerity and economic restraint has further intensified public debate regarding the condition of the economy and the responsibility of the government in creating or aggravating the present crisis.

The question of whether the government of Narendra Modi is responsible for the present economic situation is politically contentious and intellectually complex. Economic crises are rarely caused by a single factor. Global developments such as the COVID-19 pandemic, geopolitical conflicts, disruptions in international trade, and rising crude oil prices have undoubtedly affected India. However, many economists and political analysts argue that several policy decisions taken by the Modi government since 2014 have significantly weakened the Indian economy and intensified structural vulnerabilities.

This essay critically examines the extent to which the Modi government is responsible for India’s present economic difficulties. It argues that while external global conditions contributed to economic stress, a series of domestic policy choices—including demonetisation, problematic implementation of the Goods and Services Tax (GST), rising inequality, weak employment generation, excessive dependence on indirect taxation, and centralised economic governance—have played a major role in deepening the crisis.

Global Factors and External Constraints

Any fair assessment of India’s economic condition must begin by acknowledging the global context. The world economy has experienced repeated disruptions during the last decade. The COVID-19 pandemic severely affected production, trade, employment, and supply chains across the globe. Almost all major economies suffered recessionary pressures and inflationary shocks after 2020.

The Russia–Ukraine conflict further destabilised global markets by increasing energy and food prices. Similarly, continuing tensions in West Asia have contributed to rising crude oil prices. Since India imports nearly 85 percent of its crude oil requirements, fluctuations in international energy markets directly affect inflation, transport costs, trade deficits, and fiscal stability.

In addition, advanced capitalist economies themselves have faced slowing growth, rising debt, and inflation. Therefore, some degree of economic stress in India cannot simply be attributed to the policies of the Modi government alone. External economic conditions have undeniably created pressures that any government would have found difficult to manage.

However, the central question remains whether the government’s own policies strengthened India’s resilience or instead made the economy more vulnerable to these external shocks.

Demonetisation and the Disruption of the Informal Economy

One of the most controversial economic decisions taken by the Modi government was demonetisation in November 2016. The government suddenly withdrew ₹500 and ₹1000 currency notes, which constituted around 86 percent of the total currency in circulation.

The official justification for demonetisation included:

  • elimination of black money,
  • destruction of counterfeit currency,
  • reduction of corruption,
  • and promotion of digital transactions.

However, the policy generated enormous economic disruption, especially in the informal sector, which forms the backbone of India’s economy. Millions of workers, small traders, daily wage labourers, farmers, and small businesses depended heavily on cash transactions. The sudden withdrawal of currency created severe liquidity shortages.

Small enterprises closed down, employment declined, agricultural markets suffered, and consumption demand weakened sharply. The policy particularly damaged sectors such as:

  • construction,
  • small manufacturing,
  • retail trade,
  • transport,
  • and rural markets.

The long-term effectiveness of demonetisation also came under question when the Reserve Bank of India reported that almost all demonetised currency returned to the banking system. This weakened the government’s argument that large amounts of black money would be permanently eliminated.

Many economists considered demonetisation economically irrational because it imposed enormous social and economic costs without achieving its declared objectives. The policy is now widely viewed as a major contributor to the slowdown that began before the pandemic.

Problems in the Implementation of GST

The introduction of the Goods and Services Tax in 2017 was presented as a major reform intended to create a unified national market. In principle, GST aimed to simplify India’s indirect tax system and improve tax compliance.

However, the implementation of GST created serious difficulties, particularly for small and medium enterprises (SMEs). Multiple tax slabs, frequent rule changes, technological problems in filing returns, and compliance burdens generated confusion and uncertainty.

Small businesses, which lacked digital infrastructure and accounting capacity, found it especially difficult to comply with the new system. Delays in tax refunds also hurt exporters and smaller manufacturers.

Although GST collections improved over time, the transition period significantly disrupted business activity. Critics argue that GST strengthened centralisation by reducing the fiscal autonomy of states and increasing dependence on the central government for compensation and revenue distribution.

The combined impact of demonetisation and GST within a short period severely weakened India’s informal and small-scale sectors, which are among the largest sources of employment in the country.

The Crisis of Unemployment

One of the most serious economic concerns during the Modi period has been rising unemployment. Despite periods of high GDP growth, employment generation has remained inadequate. This has led many economists to describe India’s recent growth pattern as “jobless growth.”

Youth unemployment has become particularly alarming. Educated young people, including graduates and technical degree holders, increasingly face difficulty in finding stable employment. Rural underemployment and informal labour also continue to remain widespread.

The Modi government launched initiatives such as “Make in India” with the promise of expanding manufacturing and creating millions of jobs. However, manufacturing growth has not been sufficient to absorb India’s large labour force entering the job market each year.

Automation, capital-intensive industrial growth, and insufficient labour-intensive manufacturing have further limited employment opportunities. Critics argue that the government focused excessively on large infrastructure projects and corporate investment without ensuring broad-based employment generation.

Unemployment not only creates economic insecurity but also weakens social stability and consumption demand, thereby affecting overall economic growth.

Rising Inequality and Concentration of Wealth

Another major criticism of the Modi government concerns growing inequality. During the last decade, India has witnessed significant concentration of wealth among corporate groups and high-income sections of society.

Reports by organizations such as Oxfam International and the World Inequality Lab have highlighted increasing disparities in income and wealth distribution.

Several policy choices contributed to this perception:

  • corporate tax reductions,
  • privatization policies,
  • dependence on indirect taxes,
  • and reduced emphasis on welfare expansion.

At the same time, ordinary citizens faced:

  • stagnant wages,
  • inflation,
  • rising education and healthcare costs,
  • and employment insecurity.

Critics therefore argue that economic growth during the Modi era disproportionately benefited large corporations and wealthy groups while the poor and middle classes faced increasing economic pressure.

Growing inequality also weakens long-term economic growth because concentrated wealth reduces mass purchasing power and consumption demand.

Dependence on Indirect Taxation

The Modi government increasingly relied on indirect taxes such as GST and fuel excise duties to generate revenue. Unlike progressive taxation, indirect taxes affect all consumers regardless of income level.

This means that poorer households often bear a proportionately heavier burden because they spend a larger share of their income on essential consumption.

High taxes on petrol and diesel became a major issue, especially during periods when global crude oil prices were relatively low. Instead of passing the full benefit of lower international oil prices to consumers, the government increased excise duties.

Higher fuel prices contributed to:

  • inflation,
  • increased transport costs,
  • rising agricultural expenses,
  • and higher prices of essential commodities.

As a result, inflationary pressures affected the daily lives of ordinary citizens.

Weakening Consumption Demand

A significant structural weakness in the Indian economy today is declining consumption demand. Economic growth ultimately depends upon the purchasing power of the population. When ordinary citizens reduce spending because of unemployment, low wages, or inflation, businesses reduce investment and production.

Several indicators have shown:

  • weakening rural demand,
  • stagnant real wages,
  • declining household savings,
  • and rising household debt.

Economists have repeatedly warned that infrastructure spending alone cannot sustain long-term growth unless accompanied by broad-based increases in mass incomes and employment.

Critics argue that the government overemphasised:

  • stock market performance,
  • corporate incentives,
  • and headline GDP figures,
    while insufficient attention was given to strengthening household purchasing power.

Centralisation and Economic Governance

Another criticism concerns increasing centralisation of economic decision-making under the Modi government. Important economic policies often appeared highly centralised within the Prime Minister’s Office.

Critics argue that this reduced institutional debate and weakened the autonomy of economic institutions. Questions were raised regarding:

  • transparency of unemployment data,
  • revisions in GDP calculations,
  • and delays in releasing official surveys.

Some economists believe that excessive concentration of decision-making reduced flexibility and discouraged independent policy criticism within institutions.

The Government’s Defence

Supporters of the Modi government reject the claim that it is primarily responsible for the present economic crisis. They argue that India continues to remain one of the fastest-growing major economies in the world despite difficult global conditions.

They point to:

  • expansion of highways and infrastructure,
  • digital transformation through UPI,
  • improvements in tax compliance,
  • direct benefit transfer schemes,
  • increased formalisation of the economy,
  • and India’s rising global economic stature.

The government also argues that reforms such as GST and digitisation were necessary long-term structural changes whose benefits would emerge gradually.

Supporters further claim that global economic instability—not domestic policy failure—is the principal cause of current difficulties.

Conclusion

The present economic difficulties in India are the product of both global pressures and domestic policy decisions. External factors such as the pandemic, geopolitical conflicts, supply-chain disruptions, and rising oil prices undoubtedly created severe challenges.

However, it is equally evident that several decisions of the Modi government significantly intensified economic vulnerabilities. Demonetisation disrupted the informal economy, GST implementation burdened small businesses, unemployment remained persistently high, inequality increased, and excessive dependence on indirect taxation weakened household purchasing power.

While the government succeeded in expanding infrastructure, digital finance, and state capacity in certain areas, these achievements have not adequately addressed the deeper structural problems of employment, inequality, rural distress, and declining mass demand.

Therefore, the Modi government cannot be held solely responsible for the present economic crisis, but it bears substantial responsibility for aggravating existing weaknesses and for pursuing policies that often-prioritised fiscal discipline, corporate growth, and centralised control over inclusive and employment-oriented development.

The larger challenge before India today is not merely achieving economic growth, but ensuring that growth becomes socially just, employment-generating, democratic, and beneficial to the vast majority of its citizens.

Monday, 3 November 2025

Dalit Politics Needs a New Radical Agenda

 

Dalit Politics Needs a New Radical Agenda

-         S.R. Darapuri, National President, All India Peoples Front

Dr. Ambedkar is considered the father of Dalit politics. He was the first to form the Independent Labour Party in 1936, the Scheduled Castes Federation in 1942, and the Republican Party of India (RPI) in 1956.  A notable aspect of these parties was that, except for the Scheduled Castes Federation, none of them were caste-based. The agenda of all these parties was broad, with the Dalit agenda at its core. It is also true that Dr. Ambedkar never sought votes in the name of caste, except for the Scheduled Castes Federation. After Dr. Ambedkar's death, from 1957 to 1962, the RPI continued to practice agenda-based politics, and its achievements were quite significant. However, later, the Congress lured Dalit leaders away, and the RPI fragmented into several pieces and disintegrated.

After the disintegration of the RPI, Kanshi Ram formed the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) in North India and, by allying with the staunchly anti-Dalit party BJP, formed the government three times and once independently. The biggest weakness of this party was its lack of any agenda or principles. Kanshi Ram proudly used caste to counter caste and was opportunistic. The result of this opportunistic and unprincipled alliance with the BJP was that the BJP continuously grew stronger in North India, while the BSP continuously weakened. Currently, the BSP is fighting for its very existence.

The BSP experiment has made it clear that a party that practices caste politics cannot last long. It is only the agenda and principles that prevent a party from disintegrating. It is also an established truth that caste politics only strengthens Hindutva politics, as has happened currently.

Kanshi Ram called political power the master key, the solution to all problems. In contrast, Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar believed "political power cannot be the master key to ending all the miseries of the oppressed class. Their liberation lies in achieving a higher social status." Will you still say that political power is the master key? Experience so far has proven this wrong. Uttar Pradesh is the biggest example of this. It is also true that later Babasaheb also called political power the key to the problems of Dalits, but along with that, he also said that political power should be used for the development of society. But in practice, it has mostly been used for personal development instead of social development. Mayawati is the biggest example of this. Therefore, along with political power, there should also be an agenda for social development, which has been completely missing in Bahujan politics.

Therefore, if Dalit politics is to re-establish itself, it must adopt principled politics and a radical Dalit agenda. The outline of that agenda could be as follows:

1. Poverty and Unemployment: According to the NITI Aayog's 2024 report, 42% of SC Dalit families are below the poverty line, while the national average is 20%. According to PLFS 2023-24, the unemployment rate for SCs is 7.8%, while the national rate is 5.8%. 70% of Dalits are engaged in daily wage labour or agricultural labour.

According to the 2011 census, only 4.88% of Dalits are in government jobs and 2.42% in private jobs. In terms of income, 83.6% of Dalits have a monthly income of less than 5000, 11.7% have an income between 5000 and 10,000, and only 4.7% have an income of more than 10,000.

Therefore, poverty alleviation and unemployment should be the main issues of Dalit politics.

 2. Landlessness: According to the 2011 census, only 18.41% of Dalits own unirrigated land, 17.41% own irrigated land, and 6.98% own other types of land. Of these, 60% of Dalits own less than one acre of land. Thus, most Dalits are small and marginal farmers. In drought-affected areas due to climate change, 80% of the affected farmers are Dalit farmers. Therefore, the issue of land allocation (residential and agricultural land leases) for landless Dalits is extremely important and should be a major political demand.

3. Violence and Atrocities: According to the NCRB 2023 report, 54,750 cases of crimes against Dalits were registered, which is 7% more than in 2022. These include 4,800 rapes and 1,200 murders. More than half of these cases are in Uttar Pradesh (25%), Rajasthan (15%), and Bihar (12%). The conviction rate under the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act is only 32%, due to police bias and intimidation of witnesses. Amnesty International (2024) has documented over 200 such cases in Tamil Nadu alone that went unreported. Currently, a crime is committed against a Dalit every 18 minutes, including 13 murders every day. Therefore, the effective implementation of the SC/ST Act to prevent atrocities against Dalits should be on the agenda of Dalit politics.

4. Untouchability and Discrimination: According to NFHS-5 rural data and the India Human Development Survey 2024, 40% of villages report that 25-30% of Dalits face restrictions on entering temples/water sources. Similarly, in cities, according to a 2023 CSDS study, 70% of landlords in Delhi refuse to rent houses to Dalit tenants. The Supreme Court (2024) upheld the sub-categorization of SC quota but stated that "hierarchical inequality" persists. Dalit women face triple discrimination (caste-gender-poverty).

According to the Safai Karamchari Andolan's 2024 report, 50-70 deaths annually due to sewer cleaning, honor killings, and mob lynchings over inter-caste relationships or cow protection are common. Therefore, the issue of eradicating untouchability and discrimination should also be at the centre of Dalit politics.

5. Educational Backwardness: According to the National Census 2011 and NFHS-5, the literacy rate among Dalits is 66.1% while the national rate is 73%. Additionally, the dropout rate for Dalit children after class 8 is twice as high (AISHE 2023). Only 7% of students in higher education are Dalit (AISHE 2023). According to the Ministry of Social Justice's 2023 audit report, 40% of Dalit students experience delays in receiving scholarships, making it very difficult for them to continue their studies. Meanwhile, fees for medical, engineering, and other professional courses have been increased manifold, making it very difficult for Dalit students to afford them. Recently, a large number of schools at the basic and middle levels are being closed in BJP-ruled states, which will deprive Dalit children of education as they cannot afford expensive private schools. The government is rapidly privatizing education, which is a conspiracy to deprive Dalit and other poor children of education. Therefore, there should be a strong opposition to the privatization of education and a demand for increasing the education budget and providing equal quality education to all.

6. Health Services and Health Inequalities: According to the national NFHS-5 report, 60% of Dalit women suffer from anaemia, compared to 53% nationally. For this reason, according to the Lancet (2023) report, the death rate from COVID among Dalits was 1.5 times higher than the general population. Meanwhile, the government is continuously reducing the budget for health services and indirectly promoting privatization. Although the government has implemented the Ayushman Yojana, it is benefiting private hospitals more than the poor. Therefore, instead of the Ayushman Yojana, the government should strengthen public health services, which would benefit all the poor, including Dalits. Therefore, there should be a demand to stop the privatization of health services, strengthen government health services, and increase the number of hospitals and their budget.

In addition to the above, issues such as fair support prices for agricultural produce, stopping the privatization of public sector undertakings, preventing the centralization of capital, raising resources by imposing appropriate taxes on the super-rich to create employment, stopping corporate exploitation, controlling inflation, rationalizing GST, promoting agriculture and agro-industries and cooperative farming, increasing the minimum wage and providing a living wage to workers, instead of giving free rations to 80 crore people, providing them with employment to increase their income, breaking the nexus between Hindutva and Corporates, ending the persecution of minorities, and strengthening education and health services are all issues that concern the general public as well as the Dalit community. Therefore, all these issues should be at the centre of politics. Dalit politics should also raise these issues.

It is well known that the BJP, instead of addressing these public issues, resorts to raising immaterial and emotional issues of religion/community to distract the attention of the common people so that no one questions or demands answers about its 11 years of failures. Therefore, it is essential that all opposition parties, including Dalit parties, raise the above-mentioned public issues and present alternative economic policies and plans. Only by doing so will it be possible to stop the BJP's politics of the Hindutva-Corporate nexus. It is also noteworthy that soft Hindutva and the politics of caste and religion only strengthen Hindutva politics, which must be defeated at all costs.

 All India Peoples Front (Radical) – (AIPF) has been working for a long time on people-centric, issue-based democratic politics and is striving to give concrete shape to a multi-class alliance. Currently, the AIPF, along with other like-minded organizations, is running an Employment and Social Rights campaign, the main objective of which is to bring the issue of employment to the centre of politics. The AIPF firmly believes that if a proper tax is levied on the country's 350 super-rich, the GST is restructured, and the Fiscal Responsibility and Budget Management Act is repealed, it would generate enough funds to provide jobs to all the unemployed in the country, in addition to providing funds for MNREGA, education, and health services.

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