The Poona Pact: A
Reappraisal
- S.
R. Darapuri, National President, All India People's Front
(Special
on Poona Pact Day, September 24)
Caste is considered the
cornerstone of Indian Hindu society. Within this structure of hierarchical
inequality, the untouchables are at the lowest level, officially referred to as
"Depressed Classes" until 1935. Gandhiji
bestowed upon them the name "Harijan," a term most untouchables did
not accept. Now, they have chosen the name "Dalit" for themselves,
reflecting their oppressed status. Currently, they constitute approximately
one-sixth (16.20%) of India's total population and
one-fifth (20.13%) of the total Hindu population. For
centuries, the untouchables have been deprived of all social, religious,
economic, and educational rights in Hindu society, and they largely continue to
be so today.
Dalits continue to suffer
from various forms of deprivation and disabilities. They have a long history of
struggle for equality in Hindu society and politics. When Shri E.S. Montagu,
Secretary of State for India, made the important announcement in Parliament in 1917 that "the ultimate aim of the British Government is to
grant Dominion status to India," the
Dalits held two meetings in Bombay and presented their demands to the Viceroy
and the Secretary of State for India, who was visiting India. As a result, the
lower castes in various provinces had the opportunity to present their problems
to the touring commission that was carrying out the Indian constitutional
reforms of 1919.
A long and complex series
of commissions, conferences, and councils followed. The Montagu-Chelmsford
Report of 1918 was followed by the Maddiman Committee
Report of 1924, which discussed the very low
representation of the Depressed Classes in the Councils and suggested measures
to increase it. The Simon Commission (1928) acknowledged
that the Depressed Classes should be given adequate representation. Three Round
Table Conferences were held in London from 1930 to 1932 in which, along with other minorities, Dalits were
recognized for their right to vote in the drafting of India's future
Constitution. This was a historic and decisive event. Due to the effective
representation and forceful presentation of Dalits by Dr. B.R. Ambedkar and Rao
Bahadur R. Srinivasan at these Round Table Conferences, Dalits were granted the
independent political right of separate electorates through the "Prime
Minister's Award" announced by the British government on August 17, 1932. This award granted Dalits the
right to elect their own representatives through separate elections for
reserved seats and the right to cast two votes to elect upper caste members in
general caste constituencies. Thus, for the first time in Indian history, Untouchables
gained political freedom, which could pave the way for their emancipation.
On the basis of the
recognition of Dalits as minorities in the Government of India Act, 1919 along with other minorities—Muslims, Sikhs, Anglo-Indians,
and some others—was granted the right to vote. Separate electorates granted the
right to elect their own representatives to the Provincial Legislatures and the
Central Assembly, and the number of seats for each was fixed. Seventy-eight
seats were reserved for the untouchables as special constituencies.
Upon the announcement of
this award, Gandhi, while in Yerwada (Poona) jail on August 18,
1932, announced a fast unto death from September 20, 1932, to protest the right to separate
electorates granted to Dalits. Gandhi believed that this would alienate the
untouchables from Hindu society, leading to the disintegration of Hindu society
and Hinduism. It is noteworthy that he had not opposed the same rights granted
to Muslims, Sikhs, and Anglo-Indians. Concerned about this, Gandhi sent a
letter to the then British Prime Minister, Mr. Ramsay MacDonald, on August 18, 1932, urging him to abolish the right
to separate electorates for Dalits and implement joint suffrage, thus
preventing the disintegration of Hindu society. In response, the British Prime
Minister stated in his letter dated September 8, 1932, "Under the British Government's plan, the Dalits will
remain part of Hindu society and will vote equally in Hindu elections. However,
this arrangement will remain in place for the first 20 years.
While remaining part of Hindu society, there will be a limited number of
special constituencies for them to protect their rights and interests. In the
current situation, this has become absolutely necessary. Where there are
special constituencies, Dalits will not be denied the right to vote in general
Hindu constituencies. Thus, Dalits will have the right to two votes—one for
their own member in a special constituency and the other for a general member
of Hindu society. We have deliberately decided against what you have called
communal elections for the untouchables. Dalit voters will be able to vote for
upper caste candidates in general or Hindu constituencies, and upper caste
Hindu voters will be able to vote for a Dalit candidate in their constituency.
In this way, the unity of Hindu society has been preserved." After giving
some other arguments, he urged Gandhiji to give up his fast unto death.
But Gandhi, in response,
considered fasting unto death a sacred duty, stating that merely granting the
Dalits the right to double voting would not prevent them and Hindu society from
fragmenting. He further stated, "In my opinion, providing separate
electorates for the Dalits is an injection of destruction into Hinduism. This
will not benefit the Dalits in any way." Gandhi made similar arguments at
the Second and Third Round Table Conferences, in response to which Dr.
Ambedkar, rejecting Gandhi's claim to be the sole representative and
well-wisher of the Dalits, urged him not to oppose their political rights. He
also stated that at present, the Dalits were demanding only independent
political rights, not the creation of a separate country from Hindus. However,
Gandhi's self-interest was to protect the interests of upper caste Hindus and
keep the untouchables enslaved within Hindu society. This was why, defying all
facts and logic, he began a fast-unto-death on September 20,
1932, protesting the right of the untouchables to separate
electorates. It was a dire situation. On one side stood a large, powerful Hindu
community supporting Gandhiji, and on the other, Dr. Ambedkar and the Untouchable
community. Ultimately, under immense pressure, fearing a possible massacre of
the Untouchables, and to save Gandhiji's life, Dr. Ambedkar and his associates
were forced to sacrifice the Dalits' right to separate electorates and enter
into the so-called Poona Pact with upper-caste Hindus on September 24, 1932. Thus, due to Gandhiji's
stubbornness, the untouchables lost their right to political freedom.
Although the Poona Pact
increased the number of reserved seats for Dalits in the "Prime Minister's
Award" from 78 to 151, the joint
electorate deprived them of the right to elect their own representatives, the
adverse consequences of which the Dalit community continues to suffer to this
day. The provisions of the Poona Pact were incorporated into the Government of
India Act, 1935, and the first elections were held in 1937. Despite Gandhiji's assurances to Dalit representatives
that the Congress would not interfere, the Congress won 78
out of 151 seats. Dismayed by this deception by Gandhiji
and the Congress, Dalits were once again dependent on upper caste votes.
Disgusted by this deception by Gandhiji and the Congress, Dr. Ambedkar
declared, "The Poona Pact has been a grave betrayal of the Dalits."
The Prime Minister's
Award, allowing Untouchables to choose their own representatives through
separate electorates, and the dual vote, coupled with the dependence of upper
caste Hindus on Dalits, could have secured the independent political existence
of Dalits. However, the compulsion to enter into the Poona Pact once again
enslaved Dalits to upper caste Hindus. Under this system, the MPs and MLAs
elected on reserved seats are not actually elected by Dalits, but by various
political parties and upper castes, who have to live as their slaves and bonded
slaves. All political parties maintain a tight control over these
representatives with a slave mentality and do not allow them to raise or speak
on any Dalit issue that deviates from the party line. This is why the position
of Dalit representatives in the Lok Sabha and Legislative Assemblies resembles
that of Bhishma Pitamah of the Mahabharata, who, when asked, "Why did you
not speak out when Draupadi was being disrobed in the court of the
Kauravas?" replied, "I have eaten the salt of the Kauravas."
(Bhagwan Das)
Indeed, the Prime
Minister's Award granted Dalits independent political rights, enabling them to
choose their own representatives and become their voice. Furthermore, due to
the right to double voting, even upper caste Hindus in general constituencies
remained dependent on them and did not dare to offend Dalits. This could have
created a new equation in Hindu society, paving the way for Dalit liberation.
However, Gandhiji, by falsely claiming the disintegration of Hindu society and
Hindu religion and by resorting to the unethical tactic of fasting unto death,
violated the political freedom of Dalits, thereby once again becoming political
slaves of the upper castes. In fact, Gandhiji's move was largely political, as
evidenced by his later statement to Sardar Patel:
"I
am terrified of the consequences of separate voting rights for the Untouchables.
Even with separate electoral rights for other classes, I will have the
opportunity to negotiate with them, but I will have no means to negotiate with
the Untouchables. They do not realize that separate electorates will divide
Hindus so much that the result will be bloodshed. Untouchable thugs will join
forces with Muslim thugs and kill Hindus. Does the British government have no
idea of this? I don't think so." (Mahadev Desai, Diary, page 301, first volume). From this true statement of Gandhiji, you
can guess the real purpose of Gandhiji in forcing the Untouchables to do the
Poona Pact.
Due to the Dalits'
dependence on upper caste Hindus due to the joint voting rights system, no
Dalit political party, even the Republican Party founded by Dr. Ambedkar, has
been able to flourish. This is why Dr. Ambedkar himself faced two electoral
defeats, as the upper caste vote is decisive in reserved seats. This is why
upper caste parties win most of the reserved seats. It was because of these
adverse effects of the Poona Pact that Dr. Ambedkar had stated in the
Constitution that political reservations should only last for 10
years. However, various political parties have been continuously extending this
period by 10 years each year, not for the benefit of
Dalits, but for their own selfish interests, as this allows them to elect their
favourite and servile Dalit MPs and MLAs.
Upper caste Hindu
political parties purchase Dalit leaders, leaving Dalit parties weakened and
disintegrating. This is why the Bahujan Samaj Party, the so-called party of
Dalits in North India, is also following Brahmins and Baniyas and is forced to
accept slogans like "It's not an elephant, it's Ganesha, Brahma, Vishnu,
and Mahesh." Now, it has transformed from Bahujan to Sarvajan. Due to
these circumstances, Dalits have suffered greatly; they have become politically
enslaved to the upper castes. Therefore, in this context, it would be
appropriate to review the validity of the Poona Pact. Should Dalits consider
renewing their demand for separate electorates?
Although the terms of the
Poona Pact included the elimination of untouchability, reservation in
government services, and budgetary provision for Dalit education, even after 78 years of independence, their implementation remains pathetic.
Dr. Ambedkar expressed these concerns at a large meeting of upper caste Hindus
in Bombay on September 25, 1932,
convened to ratify the Poona Pact, saying, "We have only one concern: Will
future generations of Hindus abide by this agreement?" To this, all upper
caste Hindus unanimously replied, "Yes, we will." Dr. Ambedkar also
said, "We see that unfortunately the Hindu community is not a cohesive
group but a federation of various sects. I hope and trust that you will hold
this document sacred and act with a respectful spirit." Shouldn't upper
caste Hindus today do some introspection about the honest implementation of
this agreement made by their ancestors with the Dalits? If they see it to their
detriment in their honest implementation, shouldn't they restore the political
right of separate electorates to the Dalits?
Now, since the
restoration of separate voting rights is unlikely under current circumstances,
Dalits must shift their politics away from caste politics and embrace
issue-based politics. Furthermore, instead of voting solely on the basis of
caste, they should vote based on the person's work for the welfare of the Dalit
community. Dalits must also break free from the cult of Hero worship that
Babasaheb so vehemently warned against. Instead of political isolation, Dalits
should join hands with democratic, secular, and progressive forces. They must
remember that the liberation of Dalits is the liberation of all.
