Dalit v/s Bahujan and the Need for Multi -Class Unity

 

Dalit v/s Bahujan and the Need for Multi -Class Unity

- S.R. Darapuri, National President, All India Peoples Front

 

For quite some time now, the term "Bahujan" has been used in politics instead of "Dalit." According to the proponents of the Bahujan concept, Bahujan includes Dalits and backward classes. According to Kanshi Ram, it also includes Muslims, and their number constitutes 85%. According to his theory, the Bahujans should unite and seize power from the 15% upper castes. While this formula sounds very good and seems to hold great potential, the question is, what is the formula for uniting the Bahujans? Is it the commonality of being Untouchable and Shudra, or something else? The Untouchables and Shudras are divided into countless castes, and they suffer from varying degrees of caste pride. They are just as afflicted by Brahmanism (superiority complex) as they accuse the upper castes of being. There are many intense internal contradictions within them. The Backward Castes consider themselves superior to the Dalits and behave accordingly. Currently, most atrocities against Dalits are committed not by the upper castes but by the prosperous (kulak) Backward Castes. Most Dalits are labourers, and the economic interests of these newly wealthy castes clash with those of the labourers. This is why these castes perpetrate atrocities against Dalits regarding wages and forced labour. In such a situation, on what basis can unity be established between Dalits and Backward Castes? On one hand, there is social distance, and on the other hand, a conflict of economic interests. Therefore, merely being Dalit and backward, or Untouchable and Shudra, cannot be the basis for unity. Even if some unity is formed based on political self-interest, it cannot be permanent, as has been observed in practice.

Now, if we analyse the class structure of Dalits and Backward Castes, it is found that even within the Dalit community, a class division between the prosperous and the poor has emerged. The distinction between the forward, backward, and extremely backward classes within the Backward Castes is very clear. For some time now, only the affluent sections of the Dalit and Backward classes have benefited from economic development and gained a share in political power. In contrast, most Dalits and Backward Classes remain severely marginalized. This division has given rise to the concept of the "most backward" among Dalits and other backward classes. This also makes it clear that the concept of "Bahujan" (the majority) is merely an abstract idea. Similarly, among Muslims, there is a division between Ashraf, Ajlaf, and Arzal, which is manifesting itself as the Pasmanda (most backward) Muslims  movement.

Now the question arises: what can be the real basis for unity within these groups? The above analysis makes it clear that within Dalits, backward classes, and Muslims, there are two distinct classes – the forward and the backward – whose economic and political interests are different, and there are sharp contradictions and conflicts between them. Until now, the dominant section of these groups has been leading the entire caste/class and community in the name of caste and religion, and it is this section that has reaped all the economic and political benefits of development. This has intensified caste/class divisions and conflicts within these groups. Various political parties have been exploiting this caste/class division, but no party has identified their real issues or done anything for their upliftment.

 Recently, the BJP has united them in the name of Hindutva and garnered their votes. If we look closely, this class is socially, economically, and politically backward. The real upliftment of these classes can only be achieved by addressing the issues related to their backwardness and formulating policies to resolve them. Therefore, their true unity can only be built around these issues, not based on caste and religion. From the perspective of economic and political interests, these groups are natural allies because their problems are similar, and their struggle for liberation is also the same.

Under the umbrella of "Bahujan," the issues and interests of the most backward sections get suppressed. Therefore, to establish strong unity among these extremely backward sections, instead of the artificial concept of Bahujan based on caste/religion, issues related to their social, economic, and political backwardness should be raised. Politics based on caste and religion only strengthens Hindutva. With this objective, the All India People's Front (AIPF) has included the following issues under social justice in its agenda: (1) separating the quota for backward Muslims from the Other Backward Classes (OBCs), amending Article 341 to include Dalit Muslims and Christians in the Scheduled Castes, and implementing the recommendations of the Sachar Committee and Ranganath Mishra Committee; (2) providing separate reservation quotas for extremely backward Hindu and Muslim castes from within the 27% OBC quota; (3) restoring the reservation system in promotions as soon as possible; (4) filling vacant government posts under the SC/ST quota through a special campaign; (5) providing reservations to Dalits, Adivasis, OBCs, and Extremely Backward Classes in the private sector as well; (6) granting tribal status to tribal communities like the Kol community of Uttar Pradesh; (7) strictly implementing the Forest Rights Act and making employment a fundamental right, etc.

 With the aim of giving representation to these sections, the party has reserved 75% of the positions in its constitution for Dalits, Backward Classes, Minorities, and Women. The AIPF is striving to promote issue-based multi-class political unity instead of caste-based Bahujan politics, as Dr. Ambedkar also did by establishing the Republican Party of India (RPI). With this objective, the AIPF is currently running an Employment and Social Rights Campaign which is getting good response.

1. Factors Responsible for the Downfall of the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP)

 

1.    Factors Responsible for the Downfall of the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP)

SR Darapuri, National President, All India Peoples Front

The Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP), founded by Kanshi Ram in 1984 as a vehicle for Dalit and marginalized community empowerment, achieved its peak in 2007 by winning an absolute majority in Uttar Pradesh (UP) with a broad "Sarvajan" coalition. However, since 2012, the party has faced a steep decline, evidenced by its vote share dropping from around 30% in 2007 to 9.39% in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections (0 seats won), and only 1 seat in the 2022 UP Assembly polls. This erosion stems from a combination of internal, strategic, and external factors. Below, I outline the key reasons, drawing from analyses across political commentary and academic insights.

 1. Leadership Failures and Centralization Under Mayawati

   Mayawati's prolonged dominance has led to a highly centralized, dynastic structure that stifles innovation and accountability. The party shifted from Kanshi Ram's grassroots movement to a "supremo-centered" entity, with decisions like appointing her nephew Akash Anand as successor alienating cadres. Corruption allegations, including links to land mafias and personal wealth accumulation, tarnished her image, while her limited campaigning (often attributed to fears of central agency probes) reduced visibility. Post-election, she blamed external factors like EVMs and Muslim distrust rather than internal reforms, eroding credibility.

 2. Erosion of the Core Dalit Voter Base

   The BSP's traditional Jatav Dalit support (about 10% of UP's population) has fragmented, with even loyal voters splitting between BSP, BJP, and SP-Congress alliances. More critically, non-Jatav Dalits (the majority of UP's 21% SC population) shifted en masse to the BJP since 2014, attracted by its "subaltern Hindutva" and welfare schemes like Ujjwala and PM Awas Yojana. Post-2022 surveys showed less than half of Dalits voting BSP, with a quarter of Jatavs and half of non-Jatavs moving to BJP. This reflects the party's failure to address aspirations of an upwardly mobile Dalit middle class.

3. Loss of Broader Coalitions and Minority/OBC Support

   The 2007 "Sarvajan" strategy briefly united Dalits, Brahmins, Muslims, and OBCs, but backlash from Dalit cadres forced a retreat to core voters, alienating allies. Brahmins defected to BJP, Muslims to SP, and OBC groups like Kurmis, Koeris, and Rajbhars followed suit due to BSP's inability to sustain inclusive messaging. In 2024, minorities and OBCs overwhelmingly backed the SP-Congress INDIA bloc, leaving BSP as a "spoiler" that indirectly aided BJP by splitting anti-BJP votes.

4. Organizational Decay and Leadership Exodus

   The party has suffered a mass exodus of stalwarts, including MPs like Kunwar Danish Ali and Ritesh Pandey, and MLAs defecting to BJP or SP for "greener pastures." Ground-level cadre has withered, with no visible banners or rallies in core Dalit areas during elections, signaling disinterest. This stems from transactional politics—welcoming defectors for funds/tickets without ideological vetting—turning the BSP into an "election machine" rather than a sustained movement.

 5. Ideological Rigidity and Failure to Adapt to Political Shifts

   BSP's subdued criticism of BJP, silence on issues like constitutional erosion, and abstention from opposition campaigns (e.g., "Save the Constitution") allowed rivals to capture Dalit anxieties. It neglected socio-economic reforms like redistribution during its 2007-2012 rule, focusing on symbolism (e.g., Ambedkar statues) over governance. In a bipolar UP polity dominated by BJP-SP, BSP's refusal to form effective alliances (fearing subordination of Dalit interests) isolated it further.

6. Broader External Pressures: BJP's Dominance and Polarization

   The BJP's organizational strength, welfare populism, and Hindu nationalist appeal have fragmented Dalit-Bahujan unity, drawing non-Jatav SCs and OBCs into its fold. Events like the Ram Temple inauguration amplified this, while BSP's anodyne strategy failed to counter it. Additionally, the rise of new Dalit voices (e.g., Bhim Army's Chandrashekhar Azad) has diluted BSP's monopoly on Dalit mobilization.

 While these factors explain the BSP's sharp downturn, some analysts argue it's not "permanent." The party's ~10% consistent vote share reflects a resilient core, and historical recoveries (e.g., post-1990s dip) suggest potential revival if Mayawati fosters second-line leadership and adapts to caste census demands. However, without introspection, irrelevance looms in UP's evolving landscape.

Courtesy: grok.com

SR Darapuri: A Police Man and a Social and Political Activist

 

 SR Darapuri: A Police Man and a Social and Political Activist

S.R. Darapuri is widely recognized as a respected and principled figure in India, known for his transition from a distinguished career in the Indian Police Service (IPS) to a committed human rights activist and Ambedkarite. His general reputation is that of an upright, fearless, and compassionate individual dedicated to social justice, particularly for marginalized communities such as Dalits, Adivasis, and minorities. Below is a detailed overview based on available information:

 Professional Background and Reputation as an IPS Officer

- Career: Darapuri, born on December 16, 1943, in Punjab, served as an IPS officer (1972 batch) in Uttar Pradesh, rising to the rank of Inspector General of Police before retiring in 2003. His last posting was at the Armed Training Centre in Sitapur. During his tenure, he was known for his integrity and humane approach to policing

- Policing with a Mission: Darapuri viewed policing as a mission to serve and help people, earning a reputation for fairness. His son noted that he avoided unnecessary violence, such as not shooting a miscreant who fired at his jeep and working to reduce caste-based divisions in the police mess.

- Colleagues’ Respect: He was reportedly well-regarded by both juniors and seniors in the police force, and his batchmate, Kiran Bedi, highlights his professional standing.

 Activism and Social Justice

- Post-Retirement Activism: After retiring, Darapuri became a prominent human rights activist, focusing on the rights of Dalits, Adivasis, women, and minorities. He is a vocal Ambedkarite and converted to Buddhism in 1995, aligning with Dr. B.R. Ambedkar’s vision of social justice and non-violence.

- Organizations and Roles: He is associated with several organizations, including the All India People’s Front (Radical) as National President, People’s Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL) as Vice President, and Dr. Ambedkar Mahasabha as a founder-member. He also advocates for forest rights, the Right to Information, and the Right to Food.

- Fearless Advocacy: Darapuri has been outspoken against government policies and police actions, notably criticizing the handling of the 2018 Kasganj violence and the 2019 Bulandshahr incident. His activism has often put him at odds with authorities, leading to arrests during protests, such as in 2017 against Yogi Adityanath’s policies and in 2019 during anti-Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) protests.

- Non-Violent Stance: Despite facing charges of inciting violence, Darapuri is widely regarded as a non-violent activist, following Ambedkar’s principles of peace and fraternity. Supporters argue that his arrests were politically motivated, and his commitment to peaceful protests is well-documented.

 Public Perception and Controversies

- Supporters’ View: Darapuri is seen as a champion of the marginalized, with a reputation for courage and conviction. Activists and colleagues describe him as a source of strength for those facing harassment, often intervening in cases of human rights violations. His work in empowering Dalit and tribal communities, especially in regions like Sonbhadra, has earned him admiration among grassroots activists.

- Criticism and Arrests: His activism has led to conflicts with the Uttar Pradesh government, particularly under Yogi Adityanath. He faced arrests in 2017, 2019, and 2023, with accusations of inciting violence or disturbing public order, which he and his supporters claim are fabricated to silence his dissent. For instance, in 2020, he criticized the UP government’s “name and shame” hoardings targeting anti-CAA protesters, calling them a violation of privacy and a threat to life and liberty.

- Personal Resilience: Despite health challenges, including Parkinson’s disease, and personal losses, such as the death of his first wife in 2021, Darapuri’s remarriage at 81 and continued activism reflect his determination. His personal life, including his family and second marriage, has been covered positively, highlighting his ability to balance personal and public commitments.

 Political Engagement

- Elections: Darapuri contested Lok Sabha elections in 2009 (Lucknow) and 2014-2019 (Robertsganj) with the All India People’s Front (Radical) but was unsuccessful. His political involvement is seen as an extension of his activism, not a pursuit of power.

- Critique of Governance: He has criticized various governments, including those led by Mayawati’s Bahujan Samaj Party, for neglecting Dalit development and broader state progress.

 Critical Perspective

Darapuri’s reputation is overwhelmingly positive among human rights activists, Dalit communities, and those who value his principled stand against injustice. His critics, primarily within governmental and political circles, view him as a disruptive figure due to his vocal opposition to policies like the CAA and his protests against state actions. However, these criticisms often lack evidence of wrongdoing, and his arrests have been condemned by figures like Priyanka Gandhi Vadra as baseless. His commitment to non-violence and Ambedkarite principles bolsters his credibility as a moral and ethical voice, though his confrontations with authorities have made him a polarizing figure in some political contexts.

 Conclusion

S.R. Darapuri is generally regarded as an honourable and courageous individual who transitioned from a respected IPS officer to a tireless advocate for the marginalized. His reputation is built on integrity, non-violence, and a steadfast commitment to social justice, though his activism has drawn state backlash, leading to arrests that many see as attempts to suppress his voice. His influence remains significant among activists and communities fighting for equality in India.!