Showing posts with label Muslim League. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Muslim League. Show all posts

Sunday, 28 June 2026

Ad-Dharm Movement in Punjab: Its Socio-Religious, Political and Cultural Impact and Its Relevance Today

 

Ad-Dharm Movement in Punjab: Its Socio-Religious, Political and Cultural Impact and Its Relevance Today

SR Darapuri I.P.S.(Retd)

(Special on Centenary year 1926-2026)

Punjab’s Ad Dharm movement – which turned Untouchables into proud ...

The Ad-Dharm Movement occupies a distinctive place in the social history of colonial Punjab as one of the earliest organized movements for the emancipation of the oppressed castes. Founded in 1926 under the leadership of Mangu Ram Mugowalia, the movement sought to challenge the deeply entrenched caste hierarchy and restore dignity, equality, and self-respect to Dalits. Unlike many contemporary reform movements that attempted to eradicate caste discrimination within existing religious frameworks, the Ad-Dharm Movement asserted a separate religious and cultural identity for the marginalized communities. It combined social reform, religious assertion, political mobilization, and cultural revival, making it one of the pioneering Dalit movements in northern India. Although its organizational strength declined after Independence, its ideals continue to influence contemporary debates on social justice, identity, and equality.

The movement emerged against the backdrop of widespread caste discrimination in colonial Punjab. Despite the egalitarian teachings of Sikhism and the reformist efforts of organizations such as the Arya Samaj, untouchability and social exclusion remained deeply embedded in everyday life. Dalits were denied access to temples, educational institutions, public wells, and many economic opportunities. They were largely confined to hereditary occupations and faced social humiliation. Influenced by anti-caste ideas and the growing political consciousness among marginalized communities, Mangu Ram Mugowalia founded the Ad-Dharm Movement in 1926 with the objective of creating an independent identity for the oppressed castes and enabling them to fight collectively for their rights.

The socio-religious impact of the Ad-Dharm Movement was profound. One of its greatest achievements was the assertion of a distinct religious identity. The movement rejected the notion that Dalits were merely the lowest section of Hindu society and instead described them as the original inhabitants or "Adi" people. It encouraged members of the community to identify themselves as Ad-Dharmis rather than by caste labels that carried stigma and discrimination. They claimed themselves to be a separate Qaum. This assertion received official recognition when more than four lakh people in Punjab identified themselves as Ad-Dharmis in the 1931 Census. Such recognition significantly strengthened the self-confidence and collective identity of the community.

The movement also launched a direct challenge to the caste hierarchy and the practice of untouchability. It rejected the Brahmanical concepts of purity and pollution that had historically justified caste discrimination. Instead, it emphasized the inherent equality of all human beings and encouraged Dalits to reject feelings of inferiority. The teachings of Guru Ravidas, who preached equality, dignity of labour, and devotion beyond caste distinctions, became the spiritual foundation of the movement. By promoting independent places of worship and community organizations, the movement reduced dependence on upper-caste religious institutions and encouraged religious democratization.

Education and social reform formed another important pillar of the movement. The Ad-Dharm leadership recognized that education was essential for social mobility and empowerment. Community organizations promoted literacy, encouraged children to attend schools, and emphasized moral discipline, self-respect, and collective organization. As a result, many Dalits began participating more actively in public life and developed a stronger sense of social identity.

The political impact of the Ad-Dharm Movement was equally significant. It transformed social grievances into organized political demands and awakened political consciousness among Dalits in Punjab. Rather than relying on upper-caste leadership, the movement encouraged the oppressed communities to organize independently and demand political representation. This marked a significant departure from earlier approaches that focused primarily on social reform. By mobilizing Dalits as a distinct political constituency, the movement laid the foundation for later Dalit politics in Punjab and influenced broader struggles for representation and equality.

The movement also contributed to the development of identity-based politics. It demonstrated that social equality required not only legal reforms but also recognition of the distinct identity and rights of marginalized communities. In 1936-37 elections Ad-Dharm Mandal won 7 out of 8 reserved Provincial Assembly seats and formed government in collaboration of Muslim League in United Punjab. The assertion of an independent Ad-Dharm identity inspired later Dalit organizations and complemented the broader movement for social justice led by Dr. B. R. Ambedkar. Although the constitutional provisions for reservations and affirmative action were introduced after Independence, the Ad-Dharm Movement helped create the political awareness that strengthened demands for educational opportunities, employment, and representation in public institutions.

The cultural contribution of the Ad-Dharm Movement was equally transformative. It sought to recover and celebrate the cultural heritage of Dalits, which had long been ignored or marginalized in mainstream historical narratives. The movement elevated Guru Ravidas as a symbol of equality and justice and encouraged the celebration of Dalit saints, traditions, and festivals. It also produced literature, pamphlets, newspapers, and speeches that challenged caste discrimination and inspired a new generation of Dalit intellectuals and writers. These cultural efforts helped reshape the collective consciousness of marginalized communities by replacing feelings of inferiority with pride in their own history and traditions.

The movement further established schools, community centres, religious institutions, and social organizations that strengthened community solidarity. These institutions became centres for education, cultural activities, and social mobilization, thereby creating an enduring infrastructure for Dalit empowerment. Through its emphasis on self-respect and cultural assertion, the movement laid the foundations for later developments in Dalit literature, religious movements, and identity politics in Punjab.

Despite its achievements, the Ad-Dharm Movement also had certain limitations. Its influence remained concentrated primarily in the Doaba region of Punjab and among specific Dalit communities, particularly the Chamars. It faced strong resistance from dominant caste groups and lacked the organizational resources needed for sustained expansion. After Independence, many of its followers increasingly identified themselves under broader Scheduled Caste or Ravidasia identities, leading to a gradual decline in the movement's independent organizational structure. Internal divisions and changing political circumstances also weakened its long-term institutional influence.

Nevertheless, the relevance of the Ad-Dharm Movement remains significant in contemporary India. Although constitutional safeguards have abolished untouchability and guaranteed equality before the law, caste-based discrimination continues to persist in various forms. The movement's emphasis on dignity, equality, education, and self-respect continues to inspire struggles against social exclusion and discrimination. Its legacy is reflected in the continued assertion of Dalit identity and the growing demand for social justice across India.

Politically, the movement remains relevant because identity-based mobilization continues to shape democratic politics in Punjab and elsewhere. The demand for adequate representation in political institutions, educational opportunities, and public employment echoes many of the concerns first articulated by the Ad-Dharm leadership. The movement demonstrated that social equality requires not only legal rights but also political participation and collective organization.

Culturally, the influence of the Ad-Dharm Movement can still be seen in the continued reverence for Guru Ravidas, the establishment of Ravidas temples and community organizations, and the celebration of Dalit cultural traditions. These institutions continue to serve as centres of social solidarity and cultural pride. The movement also anticipated many themes that later became central to Dalit literature, including the assertion of identity, resistance against oppression, and the quest for dignity.

From a constitutional perspective, the ideals of the Ad-Dharm Movement closely correspond with the values enshrined in the Constitution of India, particularly justice, liberty, equality, and fraternity. Its commitment to eliminating caste discrimination and ensuring equal opportunities reflects the constitutional vision of an inclusive and democratic society. The movement therefore continues to provide important lessons for contemporary efforts aimed at achieving social justice and inclusive development.

In conclusion, the Ad-Dharm Movement represented a landmark in the history of Dalit assertion in Punjab. It transformed the struggle against caste oppression into a comprehensive movement for religious identity, social equality, political representation, and cultural self-respect. By empowering marginalized communities to challenge discrimination and assert their own identity, the movement laid the foundation for later Dalit movements in northern India. Although its organizational influence diminished after Independence, its principles continue to inspire efforts toward equality, dignity, and social justice. The Ad-Dharm Movement thus remains an important chapter in India's democratic and social reform tradition, demonstrating that true social transformation requires both structural change and the assertion of human dignity.

Monday, 11 April 2022

Attempts by RSS to present Ambedkar as a Hindutva supporter

 


Attempts by RSS to present Ambedkar as a Hindutva supporter 

- S R Darapuri, National President, All India People's Front

                      

According to a newspaper, this time the RSS is going to do a big program to connect the Dalits. According to this, for the first time on Ambedkar Jayanti, flowers will be offered on photographs in branches across the country. On Ambedkar Jayanti i.e., on April 14, especially those statements of Dr. Bhimrao Ambedkar in which Hindutva is strengthened with patriotism, will be told in the branches.  Sangh will explain Ambedkar's Hindutva in 11 points.

Therefore, it is necessary to analyse the right or wrong of the views/points being propagated/disseminated by the Sangh. From this point of view, it is necessary to comment on the 11 points chosen by the Sangh to explain Ambedkar's Hindutva, which is as follows:

1. In his book “Thoughts on Pakistan”, Ambedkar criticized the Congress for being pro-Muslim regarding the partition on religious lines.

Comment:  This statement is wrong. Ambedkar, in the referenced book, instead of the Congress being pro-Muslim, has spoken of alienating the Muslim League in the first election by not giving the power share as promised before the election and forming the government alone, as a result the distance and mistrust grew in Congress and the Muslim League and it started moving strongly towards the demand for Pakistan.

2. He was a strong supporter of the Uniform Civil Code. He had clarified that I do not understand why there is so much opposition to the Uniform Civil Code.

Comment:  It is true that Dr. Ambedkar was in favour of the Uniform Civil Code but due to widespread opposition to it, he could not do anything about it. At that time there was a general opinion that instead of coercion, consensus should be made whenever possible. Will the RSS also tell how strongly they and the Hindu Mahasabha opposed the bill when Dr. Ambedkar brought the Hindu Code Bill to empower Hindu women? They had called Dr. Ambedkar anti-Hindu and untouchable as a breaker of Hindu families and he was even threatened with death. In the Constituent Assembly, the President of the Assembly Dr. Rajendra Prasad and the Hindu members of the Congress did not pass it due to widespread opposition and the imminent election of 1952, on which Dr. Ambedkar resigned from the post of Law Minister. Is there any such instance in the country when a minister has resigned for women's rights? The RSS should not forget the history of its protest and talk about the opposition of Muslims only. An effort should be made to reach a broad consensus in this regard. Muslim society should also think about this with an open mind.

3. He strongly opposed Article 370 in Jammu and Kashmir. In the concept of nationalism, he was in favour of monolithic nationalism.

Comment:  It is true that Dr. Ambedkar was not in favour of Article 370 in Jammu and Kashmir. Therefore, he did not draft this article in the Constitution. But Dr. Ambedkar was not in favour of Hindu monolithic nationalism but was against the partition of India. He was of the firm opinion that we should try and make a serious effort to persuade the Muslim League to give up the demand for Pakistan out of fear of discrimination against Muslims in independent India. Today the policy of discrimination and oppression that RSS is adopting towards Muslims/Christians and other minorities is right for the unity and integrity of the country?

4. Always supported the concept of nationalism, he has written in section-5 of Sampoorna Vangmay that I will live and die for India.

Comment:  Dr. Ambedkar never supported the RSS brand Hindu nationalism. His nationalism was based on the concept of liberty, equality and fraternity of all citizens but the ideology of RSS is quite the opposite. He was against nationalism based on any kind of racial and religious discrimination. He had said, “Some people say that they are Hindu, Muslim or Sikh first and then Indian. But I am an Indian from beginning to end."

5. Speaking in the Constituent Assembly on 25 November 1949, Dr. Ambedkar strongly opposed the leftist ideology.

Comment:  This statement is absolutely false. He did not oppose the Left anywhere in his speech. In his speech, he opposed all forms of dictatorship, even if it was the dictatorship of the proletariat. Dr. Ambedkar was a socialist in his political thought. Dr. Ambedkar was actually a Liberal Democrat. He was a strong supporter of State Socialism. The biggest example of his favouring state socialism is found in the draft of his own constitution which is printed in the form of "State and Minorities" booklet. In this he had demanded the nationalization of all agricultural land and collective farming on it. Apart from this, he was also in favour of the nationalization of insurance and compulsory insurance for all citizens, whereas today the RSS-run BJP government is engaged in the privatization of all this.

6. Dr. Bhimrao Ambedkar had similar views on a secular nation as RSS.

Comment:  Dr. Ambedkar was not in favour of a sectarian but a secular nation. Dr. Ambedkar was opposed to the entry of religion into politics. He considered religion to be a private belief and was in favour of keeping it away from the affairs of the state. The RSS wants to justify its politics of Hindutva and the establishment of a Hindu Rashtra by describing Dr. Ambedkar as a supporter of a sectarian nation.

7. Strongly supporting Hindu unity, Baba Saheb has written in his biography that between me and Savarkar there is not only a consensus but also cooperation. Hindu society should be united and organized.

Comment:  This statement is absolutely false. Babasaheb has not written like this anywhere in his biography. This confusion is being created by misrepresenting the letter written by Babasaheb in reply to the invitation letter of Savarkar. Hence the letter is being presented completely so that the readers can come to know about the intellectual dishonesty of Savarkarites. It read: "Many thanks for your letter inviting me to open a temple at Ratnagiri Fort for the untouchables. I am very sorry that due to a prior engagement, I am unable to accept your invitation. I, however, would like to apprise you on this occasion to appreciate the work you are doing in the field of social reforms. When I look at the problem of untouchables, I think it is deeply related to the question of reorganization of Hindu society. If untouchables are to be a part of Hindu society, it is not enough to remove untouchability, for that you have to destroy Chaturvarnya. If they are not to be an integral part, if they are to be only an appendix of Hindu society, so as far as the temple is concerned, untouchability will remain. I am glad to see that you are among the very few who have felt it. That you still use Chaturvarnya's jargon, unfortunately however you say it lets justify on merit, However, I do hope that over time you will be able to remove this unnecessary and it is clear that in this letter, Dr. Ambedkar expresses the possibility of untouchables to be included in Hindu society only after the elimination of Chaturvarna, whereas Savarkar talks of temple entry only to end untouchability. It is clear from this that there is a vast difference in the approach and strategy of both regarding the untouchable problem.

8. On the issue of eradicating caste discrimination, the views of the Sangh and Ambedkar are completely identical.

Comments:   This statement is absolutely wrong as Sangh and Ambedkar have completely different views on the issue of eradicating caste discrimination. Babasaheb was in favour of caste annihilation whereas the Sangh is in favour of caste harmony (as the status quo) and not the destruction of castes. Sangh considers Manusmriti as the holy book of Hindus whereas Babasaheb considered it to be a very anti-Dalit book. That's why he also did a public burning of it on December 25, 1927. Sangh is wholeheartedly engaged in the establishment of Hindu Rashtra through Hindutva (Hindu political ideology) while maintaining the caste system whereas Babasaheb was staunchly opposed to the establishment of Hindu Rashtra. In fact, Dr. Ambedkar came to the conclusion in 1940 that "if Hindu Raj becomes a reality, it will undoubtedly be the greatest calamity for this country... [it] will be a threat for liberty, equality and fraternity. Accordingly, it is incompatible with democracy. Hindu Raj should be stopped at any cost."

9. Baba Saheb had full faith in Indian culture.

Comment:  There is no doubt that Babasaheb had full faith in Indian culture but that culture is totally different from the culture defined by RSS. RSS defines Indian culture as Hindu culture whereas Indian culture is a mixture of different cultures. In this, there is a set of cultures like Hindu, Buddhist, Jain, Sikh, Christian, Parsi etc. RSS considers Hindu culture to be superior to other cultures.

10. Baba Saheb always considered Islam and Christianity as foreign religions.

Comment:  It is true that Babasaheb considered Islam and Christianity as foreign religions but he never looked down upon these religions. It is a different matter that he criticized the evils prevalent in these religions in India like caste discrimination etc., considered it a contagion of Hinduism and also asked them to reform those religions according to their original spirit. Even in adopting Buddhism, he had kept the national interest above.

11. Babasaheb was unanimous on the Aryans being of Indian origin.

Comment:  It is true that Babasaheb has said in the book " Who were Shudras and How" that the Aryans were of Indian origin. His study was based on the information available up to that time. But after this, the study of DNA of different races has found that the DNA of the Aryan race is similar to that of Iran and other European races which definitely came from Central Asia.

It is clear from the above analysis that the intellectual program run by the RSS from April 14 is an attempt to present Dr. Ambedkar's ideas in a wrong way by showing them in their favour, while there is a world of difference between the ideology of Dr. Ambedkar and the Sangh. 

Navi Pillay’s Observations on Caste Based Discrimination at the United Nations Human Rights Council and their implication for India

  Navi Pillay’s Observations on Caste Based Discrimination at the United Nations Human Rights Council and their implication for India SR...