Master Mangoo Ram favoured Dr. Ambedkar's Religious Conversion Movement

 

Master Mangoo Ram favoured Dr. Ambedkar's Religious Conversion Movement

Master Mangoo Ram, the founder of Ad-Dharm movement in Punjab during 1920s had also favoured Dr. Ambedkar's movement for religious conversion. It has been mentioned in "The Depressed Classes, A Chronological Documentation" (page-86) that after Yeola Conference in 1935 where Dr. Ambedkar gave a call for change of religion a Conference of the All India Depressed Classes was held in Lucknow from 22nd May to 24th May, 1936 in which one of the following resolutions was passed:

7. In order to consider the whole question of the conversion of the Depressed Classes to another religion. the Conference appoints a committee consisting of the following persons to co-opt other members. This Committee after examining the different aspects of all religions, and considering the whole matter in the interest of the Depressed Classes, should submit their report to the All India Depressed Conference. This Committee will also work as the Executive body of this Conference.

Bombay. Dr. B.r.Ambedkar (Chairman)

Punjab. Mangoo Ram and Hans Raj.

As a follow up many such conferences were held all over India to discuss this issue and arrive at a decision.

It is thus clear that Master Mangoo Ram had also subscribed to the religious conversion movement of Dr. Ambedkar. As such the followers of Ad-Dharm i.e. Ad-Dharmis of Punjab and elsewhere should not have any hesitation in accepting the adivice of the founder of Ad-dharm movement and follow the path of Buddhism as shown by Dr. Ambedkar. It is very encouranging to note that population of Buddhists in Punjab is increasing very fast and a large number of Buddha Viharas and other such institutions have come up in Punjab. Historically Punjab has been the cradle of Buddhism. It has a very rich Buddhist heritage. Incidentally Jatt Sikhs of Punjab are also ex-Budhists. It will be discussed separately some other time. Guru Granth Saheb and Sikhism also have a lot of Buddhism.

#Adi_Dharm

 

What is the Socio-Economic Status of Dalits in India and How it can be Improved?

 

What is the Socio-Economic Status of Dalits in India and How it can be Improved?

SR Darapuri, National President, All India Peoples Front

The socio-economic status of Dalits in India reflects a complex interplay of historical marginalization, persistent discrimination, and gradual progress through policy interventions. Dalits, historically labelled as "untouchables" and now officially recognized as Scheduled Castes (SCs), constitute about 16.6% of India’s population (approximately 200 million people as per the 2011 Census). Despite constitutional protections and affirmative action, they remain one of the most disadvantaged groups in terms of economic opportunity, education, and social mobility.

Current Socio-Economic Status

1. Economic Conditions: 

   - Poverty: Around one-third of Dalits (approximately 100 million) live in multidimensional poverty, according to the 2021 Global Multidimensional Poverty Index. In rural areas, 33.8% of SC households were below the poverty line in 2011-12, compared to 21.8% in urban areas. This is significantly higher than the national average.

   - Employment: Over 90% of Dalits in rural areas work as unskilled labourers or marginal farmers, often in agriculture or informal sectors. Only 18% of Dalit households have access to formal credit (Reserve Bank of India, 2018), limiting entrepreneurial opportunities. Land ownership is minimal, with just 2.2% of Dalits owning land compared to a national average of 17.9%, perpetuating economic dependence.

   - Income Disparity: The average wage for Dalit workers is 17% lower than for non-Dalit workers (National Sample Survey Office, 2012), reflecting occupational segregation and discrimination.

2. Education: 

   - Literacy: The literacy rate among Dalits is 73.5%, below the national average of 80.9% (Census of India, 2020). Historical exclusion from education and ongoing discrimination in schools contribute to this gap.

   - Access: While primary school enrolment has improved, dropout rates remain high due to poverty, caste-based prejudice, and lack of infrastructure in rural areas. Higher education attendance for Dalits rose from 8% in 2004-05 to 15% in 2011-12, but it still lags behind upper castes.

3. Social Standing: 

   - Discrimination: Despite legal bans on untouchability (Article 17 of the Indian Constitution), caste-based discrimination persists, especially in rural areas where 80% of Dalits reside. Practices like restricted access to water sources, temples, and public spaces continue.

   - Violence: The National Crime Records Bureau (2020) reported 50,291 crimes against SCs, including assault, rape, and murder, underscoring their vulnerability.

4. Political Representation: 

   - Dalits have 84 reserved seats in the Lok Sabha and benefits from job and education quotas. However, political influence often remains symbolic, with limited trickle-down effects to the broader community.

Ways to Improve Socio-Economic Status

Improving the socio-economic status of Dalits requires a multi-pronged approach addressing structural inequalities, economic empowerment, and social integration. Here are evidence-based strategies:

1. Economic Empowerment: 

   - Land Reforms: Redistributing land to landless Dalit families could break the cycle of poverty. Historical land reform attempts (e.g., post-independence efforts) bypassed Dalits; a renewed focus on implementation is critical.

   - Access to Credit: Expanding microfinance and formal banking access (beyond the current 18%) would enable entrepreneurship. Programs like the Dalit Indian Chamber of Commerce and Industry (DICCI) show promise in fostering Dalit business leaders.

   - Job Creation: Extending reservations to the private sector, which dominates India’s economy, could diversify employment opportunities. Currently, quotas apply only to public sector jobs, benefiting just 5% of the Dalit workforce.

2. Education Reform: 

   - Quality and Access: Building more schools in Dalit-dominated areas and ensuring teacher accountability could boost literacy and retention. Scholarships and free resources (e.g., the Rs 1 crore scholarship cited in a 2023 X post) should be scaled up.

   - Awareness Campaigns: Integrating anti-caste education into school curricula could reduce prejudice from an early age, addressing the cultural roots of discrimination.

3. Social Inclusion: 

   - Enforcement of Laws: Strengthening the implementation of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989, with stricter penalties and faster judicial processes, could deter violence and discrimination.

   - Community Programs: Promoting inter-caste interactions through public initiatives (e.g., shared community spaces) could erode social barriers over time.

4. Political and Legal Measures: 

   - Empowering Institutions: Enhancing the authority of the National Commission for Scheduled Castes to directly penalize offenders would improve accountability.

   - Grassroots Mobilization: Encouraging Dalit-led movements to unify at a national level could amplify their political voice, building on successes like Mayawati’s leadership in Uttar Pradesh.

5. Technology and Innovation: 

   - Leveraging digital platforms for skill training and job opportunities could bridge urban-rural divides. The rise in mobile phone ownership among Dalits (66.64% as per SECC 2011) offers a pathway for outreach.

 Conclusion

While Dalits have made strides—seen in rising literacy, political representation, and pockets of affluence—their socio-economic status remains disproportionately low due to entrenched caste dynamics and economic exclusion. Improvement hinges on targeted policies that go beyond symbolic gestures, tackling root causes like landlessness, educational inequity, and social stigma. A combination of state action, community initiative, and societal mindset shifts is essential to ensure sustainable progress.

Courtesy: Grok.com

How Conversion of Dalits to Buddhism has Helped in their Emancipation?

 

How Conversion of Dalits to Buddhism has Helped in their Emancipation?

SR Darapuri I.P.S.(Retd)  

(Special on Buddha Jayanti)

The conversion of Dalits to Buddhism under Dr. B.R. Ambedkar’s guidance, culminating in the mass conversion event on October 14, 1956, in Nagpur, was a pivotal moment in their emancipation. This movement, often called the Ambedkarite or Neo-Buddhist movement, offered Dalits a pathway to break free from the oppressive caste system entrenched in Hinduism, providing social, psychological, and cultural liberation. Here is how it contributed to their emancipation:

 1. Rejection of Caste-Based Oppression

Hinduism, as Ambedkar saw it, institutionally sanctioned untouchability and caste hierarchy through scriptures like the Manusmriti. By converting to Buddhism—a religion he viewed as egalitarian, rational, and devoid of caste—Dalits could reject the theological basis of their subjugation. This act of conversion was a symbolic and practical renunciation of a system that deemed them "impure," empowering them to redefine their identity outside the Hindu fold.

 2. Restoration of Dignity and Self-Respect

Ambedkar emphasized that emancipation was not just about material upliftment but also dignity. Buddhism, with its focus on equality (all beings can attain enlightenment) and ethical living, gave Dalits a new sense of self-worth. The 22 vows he administered during the conversion—such as rejecting Hindu gods and rituals—were a deliberate assertion of agency, encouraging Dalits to shed the internalized inferiority imposed by centuries of discrimination.

 3. Cultural and Social Alternative

Conversion provided Dalits with a distinct cultural identity rooted in Buddhist values like compassion, wisdom, and community (Sangha). This countered the exclusion they faced in Hindu society, where they were barred from temples and social spaces. By embracing Buddhism, they built their own communities, rituals, and spaces—like viharas—fostering solidarity and pride. Over time, this created a subculture that challenged the dominance of upper-caste norms.

 4. Political Consciousness and Mobilization

The conversion movement was not just spiritual; it was deeply political. Ambedkar framed it as a revolt against caste tyranny, galvanizing Dalits into a collective force. This heightened their political awareness and strengthened their resolve to demand rights and representation. The Neo-Buddhist identity became a rallying point for Dalit activism, reinforcing Ambedkar’s broader efforts through organizations like the Scheduled Castes Federation.

 5. Education and Empowerment

Ambedkar saw Buddhism as a rational, scientific faith that encouraged inquiry and education—key tools for Dalit upliftment. By embracing it, many Dalits were inspired to pursue learning, as Ambedkar himself had urged ("Educate, Agitate, Organize"). This shift helped break the cycle of illiteracy and poverty that caste had perpetuated, enabling social mobility.

6. Long-Term Impact on Caste Dynamics

The mass conversion—initially involving over 500,000 Dalits and growing to millions in subsequent decades—sent a powerful message to Indian society. It pressured the state and upper castes to confront the injustices of untouchability, accelerating reforms and the implementation of constitutional safeguards. It also inspired future generations of Dalits to resist caste oppression, whether through Buddhism or other means.

 Practical Outcomes

In Maharashtra, where the movement took root most strongly, Neo-Buddhists (often from the Mahar caste, Ambedkar’s own community) saw gradual improvements in education, employment, and political participation, aided by reservations and their newfound assertiveness. While not all socio-economic woes were erased—poverty and discrimination persisted—the conversion gave Dalits a framework to challenge their marginalization more effectively.

In summary, Ambedkar’s leadership in converting Dalits to Buddhism was a radical act of emancipation, offering them a spiritual escape from caste, a platform for self-assertion, and a tool for long-term empowerment. It did not end all their struggles, but it planted the seeds for a sustained fight against inequality, reshaping their place in Indian society.