Socio-economic Overview of Dalits in India

 

Socio-economic Overview of Dalits in India

 Manish Kumar Rao

Keywords-

 Dalits, also known as ‘untouchables’ in India have been a topic of concern and criticism for many years. Despite India’s independence from British rule in 1947, Dalits still face discrimination and poverty in their daily lives. This article will examine the situation of Dalits in India after independence, highlighting the challenges they continue to face and the efforts made to address these issues.

Dalits, who make up approximately 16% of India’s population, have a long history of social and economic marginalization. In 1950, the Indian government passed the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, which prohibited discrimination against Dalits in the workplace and ensured equal pay for equal work. Despite this legislation, the majority of Dalits continue to work in low-paying, manual labor jobs and face wage discrimination. The poverty rate among Dalits is 31.1% compared to the national average of 21.2% (National Sample Survey Office, 2019). In 2012, a study by the National Sample Survey Office found that the average wage of Dalit workers was 17% lower than that of non-Dalit workers. The lack of access to education and job skills training also contributes to the poor economic situation of Dalits. Furthermore, caste-based discrimination and prejudice in schools and educational institutions prevent many Dalits from pursuing education. This exclusion also affects their social and economic mobility, making it difficult for them to rise out of poverty. The literacy rate among Dalits is 73.5%, which is lower than the national average of 80.9% (Census of India, 2020). Illiteracy among Dalits in India is a result of several factors including poverty, caste-based discrimination, and lack of access to education. Dalits have been historically marginalized and excluded from the mainstream education system due to their low caste status. Many Dalits are forced to work as manual laborers and do not have the financial resources to afford education. In 2016, the Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment reported that only 42% of Dalit households had at least one literate member, compared to 68% of non-Dalit households. The lack of educational opportunities for Dalits perpetuates the cycle of poverty, discrimination, and illiteracy, perpetuating their marginalization. One of the main reasons for the continued poverty and economic marginalization of Dalits is the persistent discrimination they face in their daily lives. In 2019, the unemployment rate among Dalits was 8.3%, which was higher than the national average of 6.7% (National Sample Survey Office, 2019). Dalits are often subject to violence and abuse, and face difficulties in accessing basic services such as education and healthcare. This discrimination has a significant impact on their ability to access employment and improve their livelihoods.

According to the (2011) census, the average per capita income of Dalits was INR 47,124, which was lower than the national average of INR 74,000. The lack of education and job skills training limits their employment opportunities, keeping them trapped in low-paying manual labor jobs. Dalits are also more likely to work in informal and seasonal jobs, which provide little security or stability. Dalits are heavily underrepresented in formal sector employment, accounting for only 6.5% of the total formal sector workforce in India (National Sample Survey Office, 2015) and only 6.6% of Dalits held professional or managerial positions, compared to the national average of 15.6% (Census of India, 2020). Dalits also face discrimination in accessing credit and other financial services. Only 10.7% of Dalit households had access to bank loans, compared to the national average of 21.6% (National Sample Survey Office, 2019). As a result, many Dalits are forced to rely on informal sources of credit, such as moneylenders, who charge high interest rates and put them into a vicious cycle of debt. According to a 2018 study by the Reserve Bank of India, only 18% of Dalit households had access to formal credit, compared to 33% of non-Dalit households. This lack of access to credit hinders their ability to start businesses and improve their economic situation. Land ownership is a critical factor for the economic empowerment and upliftment in India. However, due to decades of discrimination and exclusion, Dalits have limited access to land, which has been a major factor in their persistent poverty and marginalization. The land ownership rate among Dalits is only 2.2%, compared to the national average of 17.9%. This limits their ability to engage in agriculture, which is a critical source of income and livelihood for rural communities. Addressing the issue of land ownership and access is critical for improving the economic status of Dalits and breaking the cycle of poverty and exclusion.

The Indian government’s reservation policy has enabled Dalits to increase their representation in elected bodies, including parliament and state legislative assemblies. Despite these gains, Dalits continue to face significant challenges in the political arena. Their representation in elected bodies remains limited, and they are often marginalized within political parties. Only 3.5% of Dalits held political office, compared to the national average of 6.3% (India, 2020). Additionally, Dalits who hold political office are often subject to violence and intimidation, making it difficult for them to effectively represent their constituents. The majority of Dalits continue to live in segregated communities and face a lack of access to the basic services such as clean water, sanitation, and healthcare. It leads to poor health and hygiene conditions; this increases their vulnerability to disease and illness, and can result in higher rates of morbidity and mortality. Dalits accounted for 56% of all manual scavengers in India (National Commission for Safai Karamcharis, 2020). The extreme poverty and lack of access to education force them into this hazardous and stigmatized work. The Indian government has launched various schemes to eradicate manual scavenging, but their implementation remains inadequate, and more needs to be done to empower and uplift the Dalit community and end this practice once and for all.

The COVID-19 pandemic has had a devastating impact on Dalits in India. Dalits, who are among the most economically vulnerable communities, have been hit particularly hard by the pandemic. The sudden and widespread loss of jobs and income has resulted in increased poverty, hunger, and homelessness among Dalits. The closure of schools and the suspension of non-essential services has also disrupted access to education and healthcare for many Dalits. Additionally, the pandemic has intensified existing social and economic inequalities, with Dalits being disproportionately affected due to their low socio-economic status. Furthermore, the lack of access to information and healthcare facilities has made it difficult for Dalits to protect themselves from the virus. The government’s response to the pandemic has also been criticized for not adequately addressing the specific needs of Dalits, leaving many of them without support and assistance. In conclusion, the COVID-19 pandemic has highlighted the persistent economic and social disparities faced by Dalits and the urgent need for inclusive and equitable policies to address their needs.

The government has implemented various programs aimed at providing job skills training and credit to Dalits, as well as building infrastructure in Dalit communities. For example, the National Scheduled Castes Finance and Development Corporation was established in 1989 to provide credit to Dalits for income-generating activities. The Indian government has also implemented reservations in government jobs and educational institutions for Dalits and other marginalized communities. This has helped to improve their access to employment and educational opportunities. In addition, the Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment implements various programs aimed at improving the educational and employment opportunities of Dalits. Moreover, the Indian government has implemented various economic upliftment programs aimed at improving the economic conditions of Dalits, such as the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA) and the National Rural Livelihoods Mission (NRLM). These programs provide employment opportunities and access to credit for Dalits in rural areas. Another initiative is the establishment of the National Commission for Scheduled Castes in 2004, which was tasked with monitoring the implementation of policies and programs aimed at improving the status of Dalits. This commission has been instrumental in highlighting the issues faced by Dalits and advocating for their rights. Despite efforts by the Indian government to improve the economic situation of Dalits, their living conditions have not improved significantly since independence.

In conclusion, Dalits have faced immense economic challenges in India even after independence in 1947. Despite various efforts by the government to improve the economic condition of Dalits, including affirmative action policies and reservation in education and government jobs, the socio-economic status of Dalits remains low in comparison to other communities in India. They still face discrimination in accessing employment, education, and credit facilities. The majority of Dalits are still engaged in low-paying manual labor, and their average income and wealth are significantly lower than the national average. Additionally, the COVID-19 pandemic has further exacerbated their economic hardship, leading to job losses and wage reductions. To address the persistent economic disparities faced by Dalits, a multi-pronged approach is needed that focuses on addressing both the root causes of poverty and discrimination as well as providing immediate relief and support. This can include measures such as increasing access to education and job training programs, improving credit facilities, and enforcing laws that prohibit discrimination in the workplace. In sum, the economic empowerment of Dalits is essential for the overall development of India and achieving a more equitable society.

References

(2011). Ministry of Statistics and Programme Implementation, Government of India,

Census of India. (2020). Ministry of Home Affairs, Government of India,

Development, M. o. (2016). Government of India,

India, E. C. (2020)., Ministry of Law and Justice, Government of India,

National Commission for Safai Karamcharis. (2020). Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment, Government of India,

National Sample Survey Office. (2015). Ministry of Statistics and Programme Implementation, Government of India,

National Sample Survey Office. (2019). Ministry of Statistics and Programme Implementation, Government of India.

Manish Kumar Rao is a B.Tech from MMMUT, Gorakhpur, and works as a Data Analyst at an investment securities firm.

Courtesy: Round Table India  

Jai Bhim, Jai Samvidhan—slogans that non-Dalits wouldn’t touch have now entered Parliamen

Jai Bhim, Jai Samvidhan—slogans that non-Dalits wouldn’t touch have now entered Parliament

Coined by close Ambedkar confidant Babu Hardas Laxmanrao Nagrale, the 'Jai Bhim’ slogan has seen the rise and decline of many Dalit parties. Now, non-Dalits chant it in Lok Sabha that has no BSP member.

 

Ravikiran Shinde

01 July, 2024 09:00 am IST

In January this year, a Dalit student was assaulted by two other pupils for concluding his Republic Day speech with ‘Jai Bhim-Jai Bharat’ in a school in Narauli, Uttar Pradesh. In May, a Dalit youth, Chandrashekhar Saket, was beaten and threatened with murder by upper-caste men for saying “Jai Bhim, Jai Buddha” in Shahdol.

Dalits being assaulted and killed for saying Jai Bhim has been a tragic reality in 21st-century India. However, on June 24, in an unprecedented event, the Jai Bhim slogan echoed within the chambers of the new parliament as new members were taking their oath. Nearly two dozen Members of Parliament (MPs) — Dalits, Muslims, OBC, and Tribals from Congress, Samajwadi Party, Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katchi (VCK, formerly Dalit Panthers), and Azad Samaj Party (ASP) concluded their oath-taking ceremony with “Jai Bhim” (Victory to Babasaheb Bhimrao Ambedkar) and “Jai Samvidhan”, holding a copy of the Constitution in their hands.

Not only were many non-Dalit members saying Jai Bhim, but this coincided with the BJP, a Hindu nationalist party, losing its single-party Majority in the House after a decade, which was remarkable.

Jai Bhim has evolved from being a Dalit greeting to a slogan against oppression, becoming as ubiquitous as Ambedkar’s image.

Journey of the ‘Jai Bhim’ slogan

In 1935, a 30-year old Dalit leader, Babu Hardas Laxmanrao Nagrale, first coined the term “Jai Bhim”. Ambedkar’s close confidant, Hardas, a general secretary of the Scheduled Castes Federation and legislator from Nagpur, wanted to create a unique salutation for Dalits (similar to the Muslim greeting ‘Salaam Alaikum’). At that time, Dalits used greetings like Jai Johar, Jai Ramapati, Ram Ram, and Namaskar. However, Hardas sought a universal slogan embodying self-respect, brotherhood, and loyalty to Ambedkar and his ideologies—a greeting that could be used with pride, without subservience.

He envisioned and coined the “Jai Bhim” greeting, which was to be reciprocated with “Bal Bhim”. But “Jai Bhim” alone became popular. Little did Babu Hardas realise that his greeting would become a universally accepted slogan across India.

Soon, the Jai Bhim greeting spread like wildfire across the country. It was so catchy and inspiring that it expanded beyond Dalit communities. In the mid-1940s, Thanthai N Sivaraj started an English journal named ‘Jai Bheem’ in then-Madras (now Chennai). It published speeches by Ambedkar and All India Scheduled Caste Federation (AISCF) leaders to unite Dalits in the Madras province under Ambedkar’s leadership.

Some people would say “Jai Bhim” to Ambedkar, who would simply smile in response.

The Jai Bhim slogan became even more popular among Dalits after Ambedkar’s death in 1956. Dalit political parties used it not only as a greeting but also to energise people during rallies, starting and ending their speeches with it. Though the political space occupied by the Republican Party of India diminished after Ambedkar’s death, the slogan survived through Dalit Ambedkarite movements such as the Dalit Panther revolutionary movement founded in the 1970s to fight caste oppression, and through songs and poems.  Buddhists popularised “Namo Buddhay” and the Jai Bhim slogan to conclude speeches.

Dissatisfied with the RPI-Congress alliance in 1971, where RPI got only one seat and the rest went to Congress, Kanshiram started his own social movement and formed BAMCEF (Backward and Minority Communities Employees Federation), uniting government servants who benefited from the reservation policy. The greeting became popular across India and Kanshiram formed DS4 (Dalit Shoshit Samaj Sangharsh Samiti) in 1981 to spread awareness among Dalit Bahujan masses.

Across Uttar Pradesh, “Jai Bhim” was painted on walls along with the elephant symbol. In this traditionally feudalistic state, BSP Dalit workers would often face violence for saying Jai Bhim, but Kanshiram and Mayawait’s relentless efforts bore fruit. In 1989, three BSP members, including Mayawati, won elections, marking the beginning of assertive Dalit politics. They always concluded their speeches with “Jai Bhim, Jai Bharat”. Prakash Ambedkar of Vanchit Bahujan Aghadi created a similar social engineering coalition of Dalits and OBCs with his erstwhile Bahujan Mahasangh in the 1990s, achieving limited success as the Jai Bhim slogan started spreading to non Dalits.

As BAMCEF and BSP spread across northern India, the Jai Bhim slogan, which had lost prominence after RPI’s decline, regained its significance. Punjabi Singer Ginni Mahi has a famous song “Bolo Jai Bhim”.

Mayawati’s rise in the 1990s showcased Dalit assertive political leadership for the first time in India. Jai Bhim echoed in the chambers of Parliament and the UP assembly, and in rallies that the media slowly began to cover. There were Dalit leaders such as Ram Vilas Paswan and Babu Jagjivan Ram before Mayawati, but none became a symbol of Dalit assertion like her. She not only raised the Jai Bhim slogan in Parliament since 1989 but also ensured that Ambedkar and Bahujan leaders found prominent space in Noida’s Dalit Prerana Sthal and Lucknow’s Ambedkar Park, creating a legacy that will be remembered for years.

With the advent of the Gujarat laboratory and BJP’s attempt to change the Constitution under Atal Bihari Vajpayee, it was  BSP that first coined the slogan to save the Constitution: “Samvidhan ke samman mein BSP maidan mein” (BSP is on the ground to save the Constitution).

During her rallies in 2019 in alliance with SP, Mayawati would say, “Namo wale ja rahe hain air Jai Bhim wale aa rahe hain.” (BJP is going away, and Jai Bhim supporters are coming to power)

Two major anti-government protest in recent times—following Rohith Vemula’s suicide due to institutional bias and the anti-CAA bill protests—saw Ambedkar and the Jai Bhim slogan occupying centre stage as Dalit and Muslims rallied with Ambedkar’s photo.

In 2022, Delhi CM Arvind Kejriwal directed his government to display photos of only Ambedkar and Bhagat Singh; no other leaders.

This transformation was not possible without the social awakening initiated by BSP among the downtrodden. As BSP’s influence began to wane after its 2007-2012 peak, other parties like Samajwadi Party and Congress, sensing an opportunity to tap into the large Dalit population in key states like UP (20 per cent), formed an alliance to woo Dalits with agenda close to their hearts: saving Ambedkar’s Constitution from Modi-led BJP and save SC/ST reservation. The campaign was successful, with many Dalits (including BSP turncoats ) winning on INDIA coalition tickets. SP’s Dalit candidate Awadhesh Prasad defeated the BJP candidate in Faizabad’s non-reserved constituency, where the Ayodhya temple is located. “Victory to Ambedkar and his Constitution,” Prasad said while taking oath. The INDIA bloc replicated this success in Maharashtra, winning 30 of the 48 seats as Dalits and Muslims backed them in large numbers.

INDIA partners’ anti-Constitution past 

The Congress, now swearing by “Ambedkar’s Constitution,” did not give due respect to Ambedkar for years after his death. Remarkably, a portrait of the chief architect of India’s Constitution didn’t find a place in the Central Hall of Parliament until 1990, when Prime Minister VP Singh of the Janata Dal inaugurated it. This change came only after the rise of the BSP.

Uddhav Thackeray’s father Bal Thackeray ridiculed Ambedkar and preferred dictatorship over democracy (even supporting Indira Gandhi during the Emergency).

Samajwadi Party, led by Akhilesh Yadav, opposed the reservation in promotion Bill for SC/ST, and its MP tore the Bill in Parliament. As chief minister, Akhilesh often spoke against the Bill and even renamed districts named after Kanshiram, Rajarshi Shahu Maharaj (pioneer of reservations in India), and other social reformers. Samajwadi Party members had Mayawati almost killed in the infamous guest house incident in 1995.

Nobody celebrated Constitution Day except Dalit-led parties like BSP, RPI, and Vanchit Bahujan Aghadi. In fact, the Constitution Day (26 November) celebration of the enactment of the Indian Constitution did not receive any special mention from the government until recently.

Today, some Congress and SP MPs have a copy of the Constitution in their hands and ‘Jai Bhim’ on their lips—but it remains to be seen if this will remain an empty political slogan to woo Dalits or represent an actual ideological shift.

Jai Bhim has become a cool slogan. However, with Jai Bhim comes the responsibility of understanding and promoting constitutional plurality, representation, the ability to fight against Brahminism and fundamentalism non-violently, and standing for the downtrodden. This is why it appeals to Muslims and other backward classes as well.

Perhaps that is why it has become the Opposition’s favourite, as they believe it’s their best bet to fight the BJP’s brand of religious nationalism and jingoism—something BJP and Modi are finding hard to counter. In fact, Lok Sabha Speaker Om Birla appeared miffed with members saying “Jai Samvidhan” but had no problem when a BJP member said “Jai Hindu Rashtra”.

In 2021, Se Gnanavel, director of the popular Jai Bhim movie, which was highly rated on IMDB, regretted that that slogan Jai Bhim and Ambedkar are often identified with a caste. “Jai Bhim, in fact, is the slogan of all those who are suppressed. Their weapon is the Constitution of India. If women are suppressed, Jai Bhim is their slogan, too,” he said.

The movie ends with this: “Jai Bhim is light. Jai Bhim is love. Jai Bhim is a path from darkness to light. Jai Bhim is the teardrop of millions of people.”

“Jai Bhim wala” has been used as a slur to denote someone as Dalit, but now “Jai Bhim” has become a universal socio-cultural and political slogan that encompasses Ambedkarite ideology. The slogan and Ambedkar’s picture have replaced “Inquilab Zindabad”, Gandhi’s picture, and other slogans.

A Hindi Movie titled Bole India, Jai Bhim was based on the life of Babu Hardas. Now, the INDIA bloc is doing exactly that.

Kanshiram and Mayawati laid the foundation of Dalit Bahujan awakening in the toughest times pre- and post-Mandal and carried the slogan and Ambedkarite ideology through challenging periods by actual social upliftment. Now other parties are reaping its benefits by empty sloganeering without doing any actual ground work. But will they walk the talk and follow it in the spirit of the Constitution and Ambedkar’s ideologies?

Ravi Shinde is an independent writer and columnist. He writes on socio-political issues and is a proponent of diversity. He tweets @scribe_it. Views are personal.

(Edited by Prashant)

Courtesy: The Print