Learning the Use of Symbolic Means: Dalits, Ambedkar Statues and the State in Uttar Pradesh

Learning the Use of Symbolic Means: Dalits, Ambedkar Statues and the State in Uttar Pradesh

Reservation on Economic Basis: Apprehensions and Probabilities

Reservation on Economic Basis: Apprehensions and Probabilities

SR Darapuri, I.P.S.(Retd) and Organiser, Jan Manch

Recently Bhartiy Janta Party (BJP) has got through a bill in Lok Sabha for 10% reservation on economic basis, Constitution has been amended and consent of the President of India has also been obtained.  It is also worth mentioning that it got support from all the political parties. The Central government has issued a government order and states like Gujrat, Uttar Pradesh and Uttrakhand have decided to implement it. It is also strange that one organisation of Savaranas (higher castes) has challenged it in the Supreme Court but it has denied stopping its operation. According to this arrangement a reservation of 10% has been given to economically backward classes in government services and educational institutions both government and private.

Now it is to be seen whether this step by BJP is meant to give real benefit to the poor or it is just an attempt to influence the poor to get their votes. It is also true that so far BJP with all its promises and slogans like "Sab ka Saath , Sabka Vikas" ( Development of all ) has failed to solve the problems of weaker sections of society, farmers and workers. Against a claim of creating 2 crore jobs it could create only a few lacs of them.  Job opportunities in government sector are shrinking and the number of unemployed is increasing every day.  In these circumstances it does not appear to be possible to provide any real benefit to the poor sections through reservation. Hence the solution to unemployment lies in creating more jobs and not reservation. Along with it is necessary to make right to employment a fundamental right and also implement reservation in private sector.

Now if you look at the proposed criteria for reservation it is very unjust and impracticable because 90% of non- Scheduled Castes (SC) and Scheduled Tribes (ST) population will come within the income limit of 8 lacs for whom only 10% reservation has been proposed. Similarly the limit of 5 acres of land is also very high whereas the number of small and marginal farmers is very large.  Similarly the criterion of house plot size is also impracticable. Now if the government really wants to benefit the poor the income criterion of 8 lacs should be lowered to non-income tax payers and land criterion of 5 acres should be lowered to small and marginal farmers and low income level groups.

If we look at the constitutional aspect of the proposed reservation, at present there is no provision for reservation on economic basis. Even earlier whenever reservation was given on economic basis, it was struck down by Supreme Court/High Courts. The present criterion of social and educational backwardness is collective whereas poverty is an individual condition. Social and educational backwardness is the result of historical situation whereas economic backwardness is the result of wrong economic policies of the state and is subject to change. Hence the proposed reservation is likely to be struck down by the Supreme Court. It is significant to note that there is a cap of 50% on upper limit of reservation. There are chances of this reservation being rejected on this ground also.

It has also to be kept in mind that the basic purpose of the reservation is to bring SCs/STs and Other Backward Classes  at par with others classes by providing them representation through reservation in public services, legislature and educational institutions. It is not a poverty alleviation programme. Reservation came into existence to provide adequate representation for Untouchables, who were historically discriminated against. Tribals and OBCs, who were at the bottom of the caste system, have also been granted this benefit. There is a need to implement poverty alleviations programmes to eradicate poverty among higher castes. But the government is continuously decreasing the budget for welfare schemes. Hence there is a need for giving more budgets for welfare schemes.

Dalit leaders subscribing to Dalit- Bahujan ideology raise a demand in the name of social justice that reservation should be given to all castes in proportion to their population.  This argument is at once non-nonsensical as reservation is not a dole which should be distributed to all. It is a process of giving representation in the main stream to those sections of society who have been victims of historical injustice and discrimination.  It is not meant to give economic benefit to them. Apart from it when there is an upper limit of 50% reservation how it can be raised to 100%. Dalits are also quite apprehensive that if today reservation is accepted on economic basis then there is the possibility of a demand for applying it to their reservation also.

One benefit of this announcement of Modi government has been that the basis of opposition to SC/ST and OBC reservation by higher castes has been eroded because it has been accepted by all the classes. It has also given justification to the reservation given so far. It has also weakened the united opposition to reservation by the upper castes which is in the interest of democracy.

The haste and the point of time at which Modi government has declared reservation on economic basis, it appears to be a political game plan. With it BJP is trying to hold on to the poorer sections of higher castes that have been moving away from it and opposition political parties were trying to co-opt them, but it has got a limited success in it.  On the contrary the elite class of Savaranas (higher castes) has got angry with it because they see a danger for them because in future the upper limit of reservation can be raised. That is why not from any other side but “Youth for Equality” who have been opposing reservation on caste basis has filed a writ in the Supreme Court to oppose this reservation. If economic based reservation is not struck down by Supreme Court it can motivate the OBCs to raise demand for increase in reservation quota in proportion to their population. 

It is also well known that reservation provides an opportunity to the exploiting class to make inroads into the exploited classes and creates an elite class whose class interest motivates them to absorb them into exploiting class. It has been seen that the elite class (creamy layer) which has emerged among Dalits and OBCs, their class interest is to take the maximum benefit of reservation for them.  It also often comes for discussion that the benefit of reservation has remained confined to a few families only. It is also alleged that the elite section of these classes often oppose the relaxation of criterion like lowering of income limit for creamy layer or giving preference to the most backward among these classes. Savarnas often raise this demand that elite sections and the families which have once taken the benefit of reservation should not be further given this benefit. This demand is vehemently opposed by elite sections of SC/Sts and OBCs. But the new reservation police is bound  speed up this discussion and the demand for equitable benefits of reservation. 

From the above discussion it is clear that although the economic based reservation declared by Modi government is more motivated by political considerations rather than giving any real benefit to the economically poor sections of society but still it has got many implications. If it is not struck down by the Supreme Court it will give rise to many new equations in the society and can weaken Savarna unity. It can also lead to unity in self interest among elite sections of SC/ST and OBC classes against the remaining sections of these classes. As regards political gain to BJP it will be very limited because whereas the economically poorer sections of Savaranas may be happy with it but at the same time higher castes of Savaranas may be unhappy. On the whole reservation on economic basis is a new phenomenon which will have far reaching social and political implications. 

Dr Ambedkar and Politics of Caste - Mainstream Weekly

Dr Ambedkar and Politics of Caste - Mainstream Weekly: by S.R. Darapuri Dr Ambedkar is said to be the father of Dalit politics because he was the first person to fight for the political rights of (...)

Caste and Communal Biases in Police

Caste and Communal Biases in Police

SR Darapuri I.P.S. (Retd)

Recently a video of a police officer from Maharashtra, Bhagyashree Navtake had gone viral wherein she is seen bragging about how she files false cases against Dalits and tortures them and Muslims. It represents a crude but true picture of social prejudices in India’s police force.

After all our police men come from the society, hence the police organisation is the true replica of our society. It is well known that our society is divided on caste, religion and regional lines. Therefore, when the people from the society enter the police organisation they carry all their biases and prejudices with them. Rather they become stronger when such persons come to occupy positions of power. Their personal likes and dislikes; caste and communal prejudices influence their actions very strongly. These biases are often displayed in their behaviour and actions in situations where persons of other castes or communities are involved. 

A situation of blatant caste discrimination came to my notice when I was posted as Assistant Superintendent of Police (ASP) Gorakhpur in 1976. As ASP I was in charge of Reserve Police Lines. On one Tuesday which was a Parade Day, while taking round of Police Mess I found that some persons were taking food sitting on the cemented tables and benches whereas some were sitting on the ground. It struck me as odd. I called one Head Constable and enquired about this dining situation. He told me that those sitting on the benches are high caste men and those sitting on the ground are low caste men. I was wonder struck to see this blatant display of caste discrimination in the Police Lines. I decided to end this discriminatory practice. Hence on the next occasion when I noticed the same situation I asked the police men sitting on the ground to get up and sit on the benches. I had to repeat it once or twice and was able to discontinue this discriminatory practice of segregated dining. Incidentally during that very period I was asked by my boss to give a report on the observations made by Commissioner for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes which in its report of 1974 had mentioned that there was a practice of segregated messing in Police Lines of eastern U.P. and Bihar. I told my boss that it was true and I had abolished this practice only recently. He told me that I should just mention that it is not there now. I don’t know about other districts of eastern U.P. but it was abolished by me in Gorakhpur district.

It came into news reported sometimes back that even today the practice of not only segregated dining but there are separate barracks for high and low caste men in Bihar Police. It is shocking that it continues even today whereas Commissioner for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes had pointed out this discriminatory practice as back as 197. Actually the police force on account of its composition is dominated by high caste men and such discriminatory practices continue unabated. It is only due to reservation policy that some persons belonging to low castes especially Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (SCs and STs) have found a place in police force which has made the force more secular and representative. But still the caste biases are quite strong in police men.

As we know there have been very frequent complaints of communal bias against Provincial Armed Constabulary in U.P. I found it to be true when I was posted as Commandant of 34 Bn P.A.C. Varanasi in 1979. On noticing it I had to make lot of efforts to secularise my men. I always made it a point to sermonise them to be above caste and communal biases. I used to tell them that religion is your personal affair and you are only police men when you put on your uniform and are duty bound to act according to law. My constant briefing and debriefing had very salutary effect on them and I was able to secularise my men. It came very clear in 1991 during a communal riot situation in Varanasi. The occasion was the General election of 1991. One retired I.P.S. officer Shri Chand Dixit was contesting election from Varanasi city as a Vishav Hindu Parishad (VHP) candidate. As usual VHP engineered a communal riot to keep the Muslims away from voting. As a result curfew was imposed. News appeared in the papers that PAC men had resorted to looting and beating up in a Muslim locality. I immediately started making an enquiry. To my surprise I found that these were not PAC men but Border Security Force (BSF) men who had resorted to looting, destroying property and beating up of old men and women in the Muslim area. It shows that communal biases exist not only in PAC men but even among Central Para Military forces. No such complaint was received from the locality where men of my Battalion were posted.

I have experienced that the behaviour of lower ranks of police mainly depends on the behaviour and attitudes of the higher officers. If higher officers have caste and communal biases they are likely to accentuate the same among the men under them. I have personally seen many top ranking police officers openly displaying their caste and communal biases. What to talk of lower ranks even many I.P.S. officers do not show any change in their attitudes towards lower castes and other communities after such a rigorous training. Actually change of attitude of a person is the most difficult thing because it requires a lot of effort to relieve one of ingrained prejudices and biases. Communal biases are so often displayed in so called terror cases where there are lot of complaints of false implications of Muslims.

It is also my personal experience that role model of the higher officers plays a very important role in changing the attitudes and behaviour of lower ranks. As mentioned earlier, as Commandant of 34 Bn PAC I continuously briefed my men to be secular and free of caste and communal prejudices. My efforts gave a very good result during 1992 when Ram Mandir movement was in full swing. One day Bajrang Dal people had planned to have a demonstration. They were to collect in the premises of famous Hanuman Mandir of Varanasi city. The administration had planned to arrest them as soon as they came out of Mandir gate.  They had put PAC men to surround the agitators and put them in the buses. S.P. City and City Magistrate were on the spot. When the agitators came out of gate the officers on duty ordered the PAC men to surround them and put them in the buses. But to their utter shock PAC men did not move at all and the agitators started moving towards the city. Then more PAC men had to be rushed to the spot from the City Control Room. As soon as they arrived they surrounded the agitators and put them in the buses. Thus a possible disturbance in the city could be avoided due to the prompt action of these PAC men. Happily these PAC men belonged to my Battalion. The other PAC men who had refused to act belonged to another Battalion which was notorious for indiscipline. This prompt action by my men was appreciated by district administration and the recalcitrant PAC men were removed from the duty. The point which I am trying to make is that leadership in a uniform force makes a lot of difference.

As seen from the video of the Beed  I.P.S. officer Bhagyashree Navtake, it is obvious that if officers like her occupy a position of authority they are likely to act in a partial manner. A constant watch needs to be kept on such officers. They should not be put on such duties where they can display their prejudices. It is also necessary to change the composition of police force by recruiting more men from minorities in order to make it representative and secular. Training programmes for both officers and men should be organised to sensitise them about SC/ST, minorities and women issues.  

Marx And Ambedkar: Bridging The Rift – Countercurrents

Marx And Ambedkar: Bridging The Rift – Countercurrents

B R Ambedkar: India and Communism – Countercurrents

B R Ambedkar: India and Communism – Countercurrents

https://countercurrents.org/2018/08/b-r-ambedkar-india-and-communism/

Dr. Ambedkar and Politics of Caste Identity

                                                Dr. Ambedkar and Politics of Caste Identity

                                                -SR Darapuri I.P.S.(Retd) and Organiser, Jan Manch

Dr. Ambedkar is said to be the father of Dalit politics because he was the first person to fight for the political rights of Dalits. He was the person who during the Round Table Conferences (1930-32), called in connection with the framing of future constitution of India,  got the Dalits (Depressed Classes) recognised as a minority distinct from the Hindus and got the right to separate electorate just like Muslims, Sikhs and Anglo Indians. On the announcement of “Communal Representation Award” in 1932, whereby the Depressed Classes also got a right to separate electorate,  Mahatma Gandhi declared to resort to fast unto death under the plea that it will break the Hindu society whereas he had no objection to the similar right given to Sikhs and Muslims. At last under great pressure and to save Gandhi’s life Dr. Ambedkar had to sign the Poona Pact whereby he had to sacrifice Dalit’s right to independent politics and agree to joint electorate with reserved seats.

As per decision taken in the Round Table Conference a new law named Government of India Act-1935 was enacted which came into force in 1936. Under this Act the first election was declared to be held in 1937. In order to participate in this election Dr. Ambedkar established Independent Labour Party in August, 1936 which contested election on 17 seats in Bombay Presidency and won 15 seats. After this on 19^th July, 1942 he formed another party known as All India Scheduled Castes Federation (AISCF). This party contested election held in 1946 and 1952 but lost them under the adverse impact of Poona Pact. As a result of it Dr. Ambedkar himself lost the election in 1952 and 1954. At last Dr. Ambedkar dissolved AISCF on 14^th October, 1956 at Nagpur and announced the formation of Republican Party of India (RPI). He himself drafted the constitution of this party. In reality this party came into existence on 3 October, 1957 after his death on 6^th December, 1956. According to these details Dr. Ambedkar established three political parties during his life time. Out of these only RPI has survived but badly fragmented.

In the present context it is to be seen whether through these parties pursued the caste politics or politics based on issues of different classes. It requires an in-depth analysis of agendas of these parties established by Dr. Ambedkar.

Let us first of all see the agenda of Independent Labour Party.  Dr. Ambedkar while enunciating the aims and objectives of this party had said,” Having regard to the fact that the present was no time for parties communally organised, he had in agreement with the wishes of the friends broadened the name and the programme of the party so as to permit political co-operation between other classes and the Depressed Classes. The nucleus of the party would still be the 15 members of the Depressed Classes. But the members of the other classes were free to join the party.” The manifesto of the Party included solution to the problems of landless, poor farmers, tenants and labourers, to re-establish old and set up new industries, consolidation of small land holdings, expansion of technical education, state management of  industries, to stop

exploitation of tenants by landlords and expulsion there from, laws for the protection of workers, to punish every type of orthodoxy and reaction, expansion of education with donations, to re-plan village housing for cleanliness  in order to change their mind set and establish library, hall and cinema house. The Party mainly emphasised on the welfare of workers and farmers. The main effort of the Party was to educate the people in democratic methods, to put correct ideology before them and to organise them through political actions. Thus it is clear that party’s politics was not based on caste lines rather it was based on common issues and Dalits were at the centre of this party. It was opposition party in Congress government of Bombay Presidency. During this period the party got many useful laws enacted. Due to opposition by this Party the Industrial Dispute Bill could not be passed.

Now let us have a look at the aims, objectives and agenda of AISCF established in 1942. By establishing this party Dr. Ambedkar had aimed at creating a balance between Congress and Socialist Parties. The main issues of its manifesto were: All the Indians are entitled to equality, in favour of political, religious and economic equality for all Indians, state responsibility to keep all Indians free from want and fear, to protect liberty, equality and fraternity, freedom from exploitation of man by man, class by class and nation by nation and duty of the state to protect democratic system and under economic programme: nationalization of insurance, compulsory insurance for all government employees and prohibition. Although under the adverse effect of Poona Pact this party could not show much electoral victories but still party agenda and peoples movements like land movements made the Untouchables to organise under one flag which instilled confidence in Dalits. From the programme of the AISCF it is clear that although Dalits were at the centre of the party but instead of caste politics the party pursued broad agenda based politics.

As mentioned earlier keeping in view the changed circumstances and needs of the people Dr. Ambedkar announced the formation of a new political party named “Republican Party of India’ (RPI) on 14^th October, 1956 at Nagpur. He himself drafted its constitution. In establishing this party his objective was to have a party whose aims and objectives should be in accordance with the promises made in our constitution and to pursue their fulfilment. He did not want to it to be a party of the Untouchables only because a party formed in the name a caste and class cannot win power as at the most it can become a pressure group only. The main objectives behind the formation of RPI were: (1) The inequalities should be removed from the society so that there is no privileged and deprived section, (2) There should be two party system:  one in power and one in opposition. (3) Equality before law and equal protection of law, (4) To establish moral values in society, (5) Equal treatment with minorities, (6) To develop a feeling of humanity which has been lacking in Indian society.

“In the preamble of the constitution of the party the main aims and objectives mentioned are: To realise liberty, equality and fraternity. The party programme was very broad. Dr. Ambedkar’s main idea behind formation of this party was to bring minorities, poor Muslims, poor Christians, poor and low caste Sikhs and poor class untouchables, backward class people, aborigines and all those people who want end of exploitation, justice and progress under one flag and protect their constitutional rights by confronting the capitalists.” (Dalit Politics and Organisations by Bhagwan Das).

RPI was officially established in 1957 after the parinirvaan of Babasaheb. The party contested General Elections of 1957 and 1962. In addition to Maharashtra RPI won many seats in other parts of India. In 1957 it won 12 Lok Sabha and 29 State Assembly seats. In 1962 it won 3 Lok Sabha and 20 State Assembly seats. In 1967 it won 1 Lok Sabha and 22 State Assembly seats. It also launched struggle for land distribution, reservation in services, minimum wages, reservation for neo-Buddhists. Persons from Muslims, Sikhs and Jains also joined the party. Among them Rajinder Singh Sparrow from Punjab, Dr. Abbas Malik from Delhi, Rahat Molayi, Dr. Chhedi Lal Saathi and Nasir Ahmad from Uttar Pradesh,S.H.Ghosh from West Bengal, Rao Bahadur N. Shivraj (Madras) wee prominent persons. The Party launched a nationwide land movement from 6^th December, 1964 to February, 1965 and more than 3 lacs of people courted arrests. The Congress government under this pressure had to accept land distribution and all other demands. During this period RPI emerged as a strong party of Dalits, Muslims and Backward Classes but after 1962 the party started disintegrating. Its main reason was that by this time RPI had become a threat to the then ruling Congress Party. The main weakness of this party was that its membership was mostly confined to Maharas in Maharashtra and Chamars in Uttar Pradesh. The Congress leaders started exploiting this weakness to break it. To begin with they enticed Dadasaheb Gayakvad and made him a Member of the Rajya Sabha. On this point the party broke into two groups: Dadsaheb Gayakvad Group and B.D.Khobragade Group. After this the party fragmented into groups after the name of its leader. At present the party is divided into many factions who have become totally ineffective. Although these faction use the name of RPI but they have nothing to do with its agenda. Now and then they enter into alliances with different politic parties and gain a little sometime.

After the downfall of RPI, Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) came up in northern India which promised to fulful

From the above analysis one thing becomes clear that Dr. Ambedkar never favoured politics of Identity because it strengthens casteism. It indirectly strengthens Hindutva. Dr. Ambedkar had aimed at destroying caste and make Indian society a castless and classless society. Whichever parties were formed by Dr. Ambedkar they were not caste parties because their aims, objectives and agendas were broad. It is true that Dalits were at their centre but their programmes were broad and case neutral. They were for the upliftment of all the poor classes. So long as RPI followed the principle of never making an alliance with orthodox Hindutva parties and stuck to its radical agenda it succeeded in uniting Dalits, Workers and Minorities. So long there was internal democracy in the party and it struggled for people’s issues, it flourished. But as soon as it fell into the trap of politics of individualism and casteism it declined.

Hence, if the present fragmented Dalit politics is to rescued and revived it has to come out of caste politics and adopt issue based politics. It will have to free itself from the clutches of selfish caste leaders. Dalits should know that caste politics gives sanction to hero worship and dictatorship. In caste politics individuals become primary and issues become secondary. The experience so far has proved that caste politics gives rise to caste confrontation and caste rivalry which is an obstacle in the unity of the castes. That is why many small sub-castes of Dalits have joined hands with BJP in reaction against bigger sub-castes which is a big danger for unity of Dalits. Hence in the face of this danger it is necessary that Dalits should revaluate their political parties and political leaders. They should get rid themselves of these divisive forces and adopt a pro-people, progressive and issue based politics. In fact our country now does not need casteist political parties but a united anti-caste alliance. Otherwise castes will get strengthened which nurtures politics of religion which is the biggest danger for democracy. 

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