A Majority of Police is Casteist and Communal

 

A Majority of Police is Casteist and Communal

by SR Darapuri ).P.S. (Retd)

The recent suicide by Y Pooran Kumar, a Dalit I.P.S.0fficer of Haryana has once  again given rise to the question about the caste discrimination within the police organisation itself. I served in the police department for 32 years in Uttar Pradesh and found that police is not only casteist but communal also. These biases operate not only while dealing with the public but also within the organisation itself. I am discussing below my own experience within the organisation. 

 

 Sometime back  a video of a police officer from Maharashtra, Bhagyashree Navtake had gone viral wherein she is seen bragging about how she files false cases against Dalits and Muslims and tortures them. It represents a crude but true picture of social prejudices in India’s police force.

It is a fact that after all our policemen come from the society, hence the police organisation is the true replica of our society. It is well known that our society is divided on caste, religion, communal and regional lines. Therefore, when the people from the society enter the police organisation they carry all their biases and prejudices with them. Rather they become stronger when such persons come to occupy positions of power. Their personal likes and dislikes; caste and communal prejudices influence their actions very strongly. These biases are often displayed in their behaviour and actions in situations where persons of other castes or communities are involved.

A situation of blatant caste discrimination came to my notice when I was posted as Assistant Superintendent of Police (ASP) Gorakhpur in 1976. As ASP I was in charge of Reserve Police Lines. On one Tuesday, which was a Parade Day, while taking a round of Police Mess I found that some persons were taking food sitting on the cemented tables and benches whereas some were sitting on the ground. It struck me as odd. I called one Head Constable and enquired about this dining situation. He told me that those sitting on the benches are high caste men and those sitting on the ground are low caste men. I was wonder struck to see this blatant display of caste discrimination in the Police Lines. I decided to end this discriminatory practice. Hence on the next occasion when I noticed the same situation I asked the policeman sitting on the ground to get up and sit on the benches. I had to repeat it once or twice and was able to discontinue this discriminatory practice of segregated dining. Incidentally during that very period I was asked by my boss to give a report on the observations made by the Commissioner for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes which in its report of 1974 had mentioned that there was a practice of segregated messing in Police Lines of eastern U.P. and Bihar. I told my boss that it was true and I had abolished this practice only recently. He told me that I should just mention that it is not there now. I don’t know about other districts of eastern U.P. but it was abolished by me in Gorakhpur district.

It came into news reported sometime back that even today the practice of not only segregated dining but there are separate barracks for high and low caste men in Bihar Police. It is shocking that it continues even today whereas Commissioner for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes had pointed out this discriminatory practice as back as 1974. Actually, the police force on account of its composition is dominated by high caste men and such discriminatory practices continue unabated. It is only due to reservation policy that some persons belonging to low castes especially Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (SCs and STs) have found a place in the police force which has made the force more secular and representative, however, minorities are still very poorly represented. But still the caste, communal and gender biases are quite strong in police men. This discrimination is also reflected in the treatment and posting of officers and employees of this category.

As we know there have been very frequent complaints of communal bias against Provincial Armed Constabulary in U.P. I found it to be true when I was posted as Commandant of 34 Bn P.A.C. Varanasi in 1979. On noticing it I had to make a lot of efforts to secularise my men. I always made it a point to sermonise them to be above caste and communal biases. I used to tell them that religion is your personal affair and you are only a policeman when you put on your uniform and are duty bound to act according to law. My constant briefing and debriefing had a very salutary effect on them and I was able to secularise my men. It came very clear in 1991 during a communal riot situation in Varanasi. The occasion was the General election of 1991. One retired I.P.S. officer Shri Chand Dixit was contesting election from Varanasi city as a Vishav Hindu Parishad (VHP) candidate. As usual VHP engineered a communal riot to keep the Muslims away from voting. As a result, a curfew was imposed. News appeared in the papers that PAC men had resorted to looting and beating up in a Muslim locality. I immediately started making an inquiry. To my surprise I found that these were not PAC men but Border Security Force (BSF) men who had resorted to looting, destroying property and beating up old men and women in the Muslim area. It shows that communal biases exist not only in PAC men but even among Central Para Military forces. No such complaint was received from the locality where men of my Battalion were posted.

I have experienced that the behaviour of lower ranks of police mainly depends on the behaviour and attitudes of the higher officers. If higher officers have caste and communal biases they are likely to accentuate the same among the men under them. I have personally seen many top-ranking police officers openly displaying their caste and communal biases. What to talk of lower ranks, even many I.P.S. officers do not show any change in their attitudes towards lower castes and other communities after such a rigorous training. Changing the attitude of a person is the most difficult thing because it requires a lot of effort to relieve one's ingrained prejudices and biases. Communal biases are so often displayed in so-called terror cases where there are a lot of complaints of false implications of Muslims.

It is also my personal experience that role models of the higher officers play a very important role in changing the attitudes and behaviour of lower ranks. As mentioned earlier, as Commandant of 34 Bn PAC I continuously briefed my men to be secular and free of caste and communal prejudices. My efforts gave a very good result during 1992 when the Ram Mandir movement was in full swing. One day Bajrang Dal people had planned to have a demonstration. They were to collect in the premises of the famous Hanuman Mandir of Varanasi city. The administration had planned to arrest them as soon as they came out of Mandir gate.  They had put PAC men to surround the agitators and put them in the buses. S.P. City and City Magistrate were on the spot. When the agitators came out of the gate the officers on duty ordered the PAC men to surround them and put them in the buses. But to their utter shock PAC men did not move at all and the agitators started moving towards the city. Then more PAC men had to be rushed to the spot from the City Control Room. As soon as they arrived, they surrounded the agitators and put them in the buses. Thus, a possible disturbance in the city could be avoided due to the prompt action of these PAC men. Happily, these PAC men belonged to my Battalion. The other PAC men who had refused to act belonged to another Battalion which was notorious for indiscipline. This prompt action by my men was appreciated by district administration and the recalcitrant PAC men were removed from the duty. The point which I am trying to make is that leadership in a uniform force makes a lot of difference.

As seen from the video of the Beed I.P.S. officer Bhagyashree Navtake, it is obvious that if officers like her occupy a position of authority they are likely to act in a partial manner. A constant watch needs to be kept on such officers. They should not be put on such duties where they can display their prejudices. It is also necessary to change the composition of the police force by recruiting more men from minorities to make it representative and secular. Training programmes for both officers and men should be organised to sensitise them about SC/ST, minorities and women issues. In practice the greatest influence on police behaviour is exerted by those in power, as the police are often considered the stick of those in power. If the government's agenda is caste and communal oppression, what can be expected from the police?

Dr. B. R. Ambedkar and his Experience of Untouchability in Post-Independence India

 

Dr. B. R. Ambedkar and his Experience of Untouchability in Post-Independence India

-         S. R. Darapuri

Dr. Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar (1891–1956), the principal architect of the Indian Constitution and India’s first Law Minister, rose from the most oppressed social strata of Indian society — the so-called “untouchables.” Despite his towering intellect, education, and political status, he continued to experience subtle and overt forms of caste discrimination even after assuming ministerial office. This paper documents key instances of such discrimination, drawing from Ambedkar’s writings, speeches, and biographical accounts.

  1. Introduction
Dr. Ambedkar’s ascent to power symbolized a radical break from India’s caste hierarchy. Yet, the persistence of social prejudice against him illustrates the deep-rooted nature of caste in India’s political and bureaucratic structures. The following sections analyze verified incidents of caste-based discrimination that Ambedkar faced during his tenure as Minister of Law and Labour (1947–1951).

2. Social Ostracism by Colleagues
Even after joining Prime Minister Nehru’s Cabinet, Ambedkar was socially marginalized by his upper-caste colleagues. 
Dhananjay Keer (1954) notes: 
- “Even as a Minister, Dr. Ambedkar was treated with an air of condescension by some of his colleagues who could not forget his caste origin.”  He was rarely invited to informal gatherings and often felt socially isolated within the Cabinet. 
Eleanor Zelliot (1992) similarly observes: 
- “Ambedkar, despite his official position, found himself a stranger in the very government he helped to build. The social walls of caste did not crumble with constitutional change.”

 3. Bureaucratic Non-Cooperation
Ambedkar faced persistent resistance from upper-caste bureaucrats within his ministries. 
W. N. Kuber (1973) records that: 
- “His proposals often met with passive resistance from senior officers of traditional Hindu background. Their bias against an ‘untouchable’ minister was thinly veiled.” 
In a letter to V. K. Krishna Menon (1949), Ambedkar reportedly wrote: 
- “The machinery of the Ministry is slow, not by nature but by design. I sometimes wonder whether they obey me because of my office or disobey me because of my birth.”

 4. The Hindu Code Bill Controversy
Ambedkar’s introduction of the Hindu Code Bill — aimed at granting women equal property and marital rights — provoked fierce backlash. 
According to Partha Chatterjee (1993): 
“The opposition to the Hindu Code Bill took an explicitly casteist tone; Ambedkar was denounced as an ‘untouchable reformer’ who had no right to reinterpret the shastras.” 
Ambedkar’s resignation in 1951 was a response to both political betrayal and the social prejudice embedded in the opposition.

 5. Incidents During Official Visits
Even during official tours, caste discrimination surfaced. 
Dhananjay Keer (1954) recounts that during one visit to central India, local officials served Ambedkar in separate utensils, following the custom applied to untouchables. Ambedkar refused the food and sharply rebuked them, saying: 
- “I did not come here to be reminded of the village well.”

 6. Post-Resignation Isolation
After Ambedkar’s resignation from Nehru’s Cabinet in 1951, no Congress leader publicly acknowledged his contributions. 
Eleanor Zelliot (1977) writes: 
- “After his resignation, there was a conspicuous silence from his Cabinet colleagues. His social isolation mirrored the continuing caste barriers in political life.” 
In a private letter to Nehru (1952), Ambedkar lamented: 
- “I have been used and discarded. The cause of the Depressed Classes remains as neglected as ever.” 
(Cited in Vasant Moon, *Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings and Speeches*, Vol. 12.)

 7. Ambedkar’s Own Reflections
In the Constituent Assembly (November 1949), Ambedkar captured this contradiction: 
- “We are entering into a life of contradictions. In politics we have equality, and in social and economic life we have inequality. How long shall we continue to live this life of contradictions?” 
This was not mere rhetoric — it reflected his own experience as a minister still marked by caste bias.

 8. Conclusion
Dr. B. R. Ambedkar’s life as a minister demonstrates that untouchability and caste discrimination transcended individual success. His experiences reveal that constitutional equality alone could not dismantle social prejudice deeply rooted in Hindu society and the state apparatus. Ambedkar’s struggle — even at the highest level of governance — remains a powerful reminder that social democracy must accompany political democracy for genuine equality to prevail in India.

 References:
- Chatterjee, P. (1993). *The Nation and Its Fragments: Colonial and Postcolonial Histories.* Princeton University Press. 
- Keer, D. (1954). *Dr. Ambedkar: Life and Mission.* Bombay: Popular Prakashan. 
- Kuber, W. N. (1973). *Dr. B. R. Ambedkar: A Critical Study.* New Delhi: People’s Publishing House. 
- Moon, V. (Ed.). (1995). *Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings and Speeches*, Vol. 12. Government of Maharashtra. 
- Zelliot, E. (1977). *Ambedkar’s Conversion and the Dalit Future.* In *From Untouchable to Dalit: Essays on the Ambedkar Movement.* 
- Zelliot, E. (1992). *From Untouchable to Dalit: Essays on the Ambedkar Movement.* Manohar Publishers.

Caste in Academia: Meritocracy From India to Abroad

 

Caste in Academia: Meritocracy From India to Abroad

by Amrita Dasgupta 

Casteist humiliation of Prof. Maroona Murmu (Professor, Department of History, Jadavpur University) continues. Recently, she has been asked in court to prove how far she has studied that she calls herself a professor. Looking back, it has been a five-years-long battle for her. It started with her commenting on the issue of conducting exams during the COVID-19 emergency—a topic widely debated upon across the country. Prof. Murmu had expressed her anguish about students' lives being put at risk by the government’s decision. In response, a student, Paromita Ghosh of Bethune College in West Bengal had attacked Prof. Murmu’s ethnic identity as an Adivasi, remarking that unqualified, incompetent people take advantage of the reservation system while the deserving ones lag behind. Professor Murmu filed an FIR against the student under section 154 of the Code of Criminal Procedure and the SC/ST (prevention of Atrocities) Act. The case is still open, putting Prof. Murmu through unspeakable trials on a quotidian basis. Her emotional, mental, and physical health deteriorates while she keeps up the fight for establishing social justice.[i]  

In relation to the case, much has already been spoken about the unfounded ideas of Bengal being a casteless state. What now remains is to evaluate how relations of caste and meritocracy are kept alive across the globe in present time, proving Ambedkar’s statement to be true: “If Hindus migrate to other countries in the world, caste will become a world problem.”[ii] No doubt, it starts from India and spreads its roots globally. There are three basic components that waters and nurtures caste discrimination in global academia: English language, the reasons for overseas reference, the interaction of caste and diaspora in classrooms abroad.

Many hierarchies exist within the Indian education system. One among them is access to English-medium education, which is often only available to privileged castes and classes. Public educational institutes whose mode of instruction is the regional language are usually the place for the marginalized castes. To sum, caste-marginalized students are not always well-versed in English. They communicate in regional languages or dialects. The Savarnas or upper castes prominently rule the academic scenario in India and abroad. Despite an apparent rejection of casteism, many professors in India prefer students from English-medium backgrounds and feel uncomfortable if students prefer taking classes in regional languages. Fluency in English thus becomes the primary step to discriminate based on class and caste in the Indian education system. Valuing a student for their proficiency in English rather than their curiosity or criticality of thought is another sign of casteism and class privilege. 

Additional labor is required to mentor a student from a vernacular education background. To avoid the extra work savarna mentors discourage caste-marginalized students from applying to universities overseas. Basically, highlighting how problems of language becomes a marker in deciding their academic fate despite having the required critical acumen. Consequently, in India, English-speaking, caste-privileged students are the ones who are majorly successful in securing admissions with full scholarships abroad. These are the students for whom Professors readily write recommendations, putting them in touch with their colleagues and networks abroad. This creates a never-ending cycle of supply that sustains the global network of savarna scholars. Thereby, deliberately pushing the caste-marginalized scholars out of this sphere—as if, it is something they are unworthy of, and it is a world that is unattainable to them. In this context Sumit Samos of Oxford University expressed similar views:

 “The moment I entered the classroom, I realised I was different than most Indians and Pakistanis there. Once you start to speak, then people figure it out as to which caste you belong to, because I would talk about icons and movements and political leaders from marginalised communities. It’s a very grey area because if they don’t want to hang out with you, they can just say it’s personal differences, it’s not about caste.”[iii]  

Topics taught in classrooms abroad try to consciously contextualize caste into them, especially if it is a course related to South Asia. Students who take up such courses are usually diasporic or international students from South Asia. Such that they have an idea about South Asia in general. Though they might have an idea about South Asia, they might not know about caste or might walk into the classroom with their conditioned caste biases passed onto them by their families. Many of these students who get triggered by the question of caste in the classrooms abroad, are upper-caste elites from India. These students have not been confronted with any kind of critical perspectives on caste before and hence feel a kind of discomfort that may appear provocative. The idea of such curriculums abroad that bring caste to the fore is aimed at transforming the discomfort around caste into a learning experience that leads to a better understanding of the world and its inequalities. 

Following examples from universities in the United States, in November 2023 Oxford university took an anti-caste stand and recognised  caste as a protected category.[iv] Caste discrimination and harassment has not been explicitly covered by British discrimination legislation. However, the Equality Act 2010 includes the provision that, by order of a Minister, caste may be treated as an aspect of race.[v] Nonetheless, the policies of space making for caste marginalised students and academics abroad fail, as the hopes of merit-based acceptance of a caste-marginalised student at universities abroad is nipped in the bud by several savarna academics in India by belittling their proficiency in English, by denying them supportive and enthusiastic recommendations. What Prof. Maroona Murmu faces is a testimony to the caste discriminatory vicious cycle prevalent in academia.    

 

References

[i] The Wire. (2020). “Jadavpur university Professor Files FIR Against Student for Casteist Slurs.”

[ii] B.R. Ambedkar. (1916). “Castes in India: Their Mechanism, Genesis, and Development.”

[iii] The PIE. (2023). “Caste Discrimination is ‘grey area” at UK Universities.”

[iv] The Mooknayak. (2023). ‘OXSAA is thrilled to announce a success in its anti-caste efforts since 2021.”

[v] Roundtable India for an Informed Ambedkar Age. (2013). British Asian Rally to Outlaw Caste Based Discrimination in the UK. Amrita Dasgupta is a PhD scholar at Centre of Gender Studies, School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS).

Courtesy: frontierweb

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